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Table of Contents 

The Historical Basis of the Story 1 

The Order of Chivalry 7 

Authorship, History and Influence of the Poem 28 

Manuscripts 34 

Language 39 

Text 44 

Additional Notes 61 

Bibliography 65 

The Characters 

Hugues de Tabarie. — One of the knights who helped Godefroy de 
Bouillon win Palestine, as DuCange tells us, 1 was " Hugues de Fauquen- 
bergue ... du diocèse de Thérouenne (Pas-de-Calais, arrondissement 
de Saint-Omer)." This knight is said to hâve been, on his mother's 
side, a descendant of Charlemagne, and had borne in France the title 
" chastellain de Saint-Omer " (Lignages d'Outremer, p. 455). King 
Baldwin of Jérusalem made him Prince of Galilée and Lord of Tabarie, 
or Tiberias. A table of his descendants, based on the data in the Li- 
gnages d'Outremer, would stand thus: 

Hue de Saint-Omer (wife not given) 




dame de Tabarie 



"un franc homme d'outre-mer" 

Guillemin de Bures, 

1 1 

conestable dou royaume" 

1 1 
Hoste Raoul, 


m. sire de Tabarie, 

Hue 2 

Marie, etc. m. 


Agnes, etc. 

Marguerite, etc. 

The Hugues who appears in our poem is the Hue represented in this table 
as the son of Eschive and Guillemin de Bures, — the grandson, that is, 
of the first Hugues and the husband of Marguerite, daughter of Balian 
II, seigneur d'Ibelin. But there are serious difiîculties in the way 
of accepting this table without modification. In the first place, DuCange 
has called attention to évidence from Guillaume de Tyr proving that the 
father of this Hue was not Guillemin de Bures, but Gautier de Saint- 

1 Familles d'Outre-Mer, p. 443. — Fauquembergues, now a village with a popula- 
tion of several thousand, lies ten kilometers southwest of St. Orner and twenty-five 
kilometers southeast of Boulogne. 

2 Though the Lignages indicate that Hugues II died without issue, and I find 
no Occidental authority mentioning a child of his, Abou Chamah's Livre des deux 
Jardins, p. 202, states that a son of the Lord of Tabarie was killed in the battle of 
Tiberias; and the Lord of Tabarie at that moment was certainly this Hugues H, 
husband of Marguerite. (Mas-Latrie, Trésor de chronologie, d'histoire et de géographie 
pour V étude et V emploi des documents du moyen-âge, p. 2,214.) 

2 l'ordene de chevalerie 

Orner. 3 Yet, with the bewildering frequency of divorce and remarriage 
among the Palestine Occidentals, we might neglect this évidence if it 
were not for chronology. Hugues de Fauquenbergue was a mature man 
in 1096, and died in battle with the Turks in 1107 {Guillaume de Tyr 
XI, 5). His daughter Eschive was married to Guillemin de Bures in 
1123 (Familles d'Outre-Mer, p. 449). But Hugues, husband of Mar- 
guerite and eldest son of Eschive, was still alive and very active in 1204 
(Ville-Hardouin, Conquête de Constantinople, X, 316), and more than 
this, in an account of a battle which occurred in 1182, he is called "Hues 
li jeunes" (Guillaume de Tyr, XXII, 16). This is a very unlikely state 
of affairs. There seems no recourse but to agrée with the author of 
Familles d'Outre-Mer, that the Lignages are hère obviously in error, and 
that the genealogy is at best incomplète. An omission of a line or two 
from his text by some copyist may be responsible for ail the confusion. 
He might easily hâve leaped from one Eschive to another without notic- 
ing the names which intervened. There are eight women of the name 
in the list of Tabarie heirs, and in copying the entire Lignages it would 
hâve been necessary to record, once or several times, at least fifty noble 
ladies of the name. 

With this gap in the record, we are not absolutely sure that the 
Hugues who is fabled to hâve knighted Saladin was even a blood-relative 
of old Hugues de Fauquenbergue, though the probabilities are that the 
Picard poet intentionally appropriated the distinguished honor of knight- 
ing Saladin for a member of a family from his own section, perhaps a 
family to which he was related. This prqbability is strengthened by the 
appearance of Hugues in the poem as commander of the Christian force 
which is captured, whereas he was in reality much less prominent than 
several other knights who were présent. It was in a similar way that 
Gaston Paris believed Roland to hâve become the hero of the Chanson. 

Hugues de Tabarie was taken prisoner by Saladin in a skirmish in 
1179, 4 but was shortly afterward released. He was a brave knight, and 

3 Familles d'Outre-Mer, p. 448; Guillaume de Tyr, 1. XXI, c. 5; 1. XXII, c. 9, 
etc. Lane-Poole, Saladin, p. 389, says that Hugues was the son of the Count of Tri- 
poli, which he could not hâve been, although he was probably bis step-son. According 
to Guillaume de Tyr, Eschive, widow of Gautier de Saint Orner, having had four 
children by him, of whom Hugues was the eldest, married the Count of Tripoli in 
1173, but had no more children. Hugues must hâve been a mature man by 1173, 
as his historical capture and traditional knighting of Saladin occurred in 1179. 

4 Guillaume de Tyr, XXI, 29. Gaston Paris, Légende de Saladin, p. 290, dates 
the capture 1178, on the authority of Familles d'Outre-Mer, p. 450. Duval, Histoire 

l'ordene de chevalerie 3 

is mentioned frequently by contemporary historians with approval 
and admiration. He was involved in the unsuccessful candidacy of his 
brother Raoul for the hand of Queen Isabella of Jérusalem, and was 
suspected of having had a part in the abortive attempt to murder the 
successful candidate {Continuateurs de Guillaume de Tyr, XXVII, 6). 
There seems nothing against him but this suspicion, not even such a 
rapid succession of matrimonial alliances as many of his associâtes were 
involved in. 

Homfroi de Toron. — The anonymous author of our poem seems to 
hâve been a pioneer in attributing the knighting of Saladin to Hugues 
de Tabarie. Before this, a similar story had been told of^the Constable 
of Jérusalem, by Richard of Saint Trinity. 5 But Richard of Saint Trinity 
was a purveyor of malicious scandai concerning the great Saracen, and 
modem students are inclined to ignore or contradict his testimony on 
this point. 6 Gaston Paris hestitates, on account of a similar but ap- 
parently independent account of Saladin's knighting, apparently at 
the hand of some Christian warrior, in the Chronique d'Ernoul. In the 
version of the story taken by Vertot {Histoire des Chevaliers de Malte, 
t. 6-7, p. 163), I am not sure from what source, the knighting occurred 
in 1166, when the young Saladin was forced to surrender Alexandria to 
King Amaury of Jérusalem: "On rapporte que ce jeune Mahométan, en 
sortant d'Alexandrie, à la tête de sa garnison, ayant apperçu Onfroy 
de Thoron, connétable du royaume de Jérusalem, et charmé de la valeur 
qu'il avoit fait paroître pendant tout le siège, s'avança vers ce seigneur 
Chrétien, et le pria, comme le plus brave chevalier qu'il connut, de 
vouloir bien le faire chevalier de sa main: ce que le connétable, avec la 
permission du roi, lui accorda," etc. 

Littéraire de France, XVIII, 753, who writes the date 1187, has confused this small 
action with the great battle of Tiberias, which was not however fought on May first, 
as he states, but on July 4th of the last-named year. Hugues de Tabarie took part 
in this battle, also, and was one of a small band of Christians who escaped. Fiora- 
vanti, Il Saladino nélle leggende francese e italiene de Medio-Evo, p. 11, makes the same 
mistake, probably following Duval. See also Continuât. Guillaume de Tyr, XXIII, 41. 

5 Gesta Dei per Francos. — Historia Hierosolimitana, p. 1,152. "Processu tem- 
poris cum iam aetas robustior officium militare deposceret, ad Enfridum de Turone 
illustrem Palestinae Principem, paludandus accessit; & Francorum ritu militae cingu- 
lum ab ipso suscepit." 

6 H. Prutz, Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzuege, p. 68, where the not strictly accurate 
statement is made that Hugues was said to hâve freed himself from captivity by 
knighting Saladin; A. Fioravanti, op. cit., p. 7. 


The earlier scholars seem to hâve accepted the account as historically 
probable. 7 But A. Duval, (Hist. Lit., XVIII, 759), calls attention to the 
significant fact that no mention of Saladin's knighting occurs in any 
Arabie historian. In view of his dévotion to his own faith and the 
gênerai consistency of his character, it seems improbable that he ever 
asked for membership in a Christian Order. It is to be noted that in 
our poem, Saladin merely says: 

Fai moi sage dont; j'ai talent 
De savoir trestout Ferrement 
Car je saroie volontiers 
Comment on fait les chevaliers. 

He does not say "Fais-moi chevalier." Our poet does not represent 
Saladin as having actually become a knight, but only as having made a 
thorough study of the interesting institution, even submitting to a sort 
of incomplète mock initiation in his effort to get the matter clearly 
before him. There seems little doubt that the superior courage and 
prowess of the Christian knights caused many Saracens to look upon 
knighthood as a sort of talisman which conferred thèse qualities, and 
that many of them actually did covet its possession. A. Duval quotes 
from Gesta Dei an account of an Emir who tried to frighten Saint Louis 
into knighting him. 

The confusion of Hugues and Homfroi seems quite natural, in view 
of their fréquent contact and the similarity of their characters and 
careers. A Homfroi de Toron was also taken prisoner by Saladin, much 
as Hugues had been a few years before (Extrait du Kamel-Altevarykh, 
pp. 365, 686, etc.), but the gênerai réputation 8 of this man does not 
correspond to that of the man who is said to hâve knighted Saladin. 9 

7 LeGrand d'Aussy, Fabliaux ou Contes, Fables et Romans du XII e et du XI Ile 
siècle, says, note to L 'Ordre de Chevalerie, p. 217; "Saladin lui-même ... se fit con- 
férer la chevalerie, non par les mains de Tabarie, . . . mais par celles d'un Humfroi 
de Toron, . . . qu'il fit prisonnier à la bataille de Tibériade." But Homfroi had 
been dead for eight years at the time of the battle of Tiberias, having died in 1179, 
from wounds received in battle about the time that Hugues de Tabarie was taken 
prisoner by Saladin. See Guillaume de Tyr, XXI, 27. For acceptance of the knighting 
as historical, see Chronique de Guillaume de Nangis, p. 46; Histoire littéraire, XXI, 13. 
A. Fioravanti, op, cit., p. 14; Lane-Poole, Saladin, p. 147. 

8 For testimony as to the cowardice of this Homfroi, with an account of his ludi- 
crous attempt to évade the kingship of Jérusalem, see Continuât. Guillaume de Tyr, 
pp. 31, 152 ff., etc. 

9 On the knighting of Saladin's nephew, see Bréhier, L'Eglise et l'Orient au Moyen 
Age; Les Croisades, p. 135; H. Prutz, Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzuege, p. 68; Archer- 

Chroniclers of the twelfth century were not always sure of their data; 
and given the désire of the Picard poet to immortalize a fellow-country- 
man, the change seems natural, even if we do not accept the suggestion 
of Gaston Paris to the effect that a version of the story containing simply 
the initiais H. de T. might hâve been mistakenly filled out by a later 
scribe as H(ugues) de T(abarie) instead of H(omfroi) de T(oron). How- 
ever ail this may be, the name of Hugues seems to hâve displaced that of 
Homfroi in ail the literary versions of the story. 

The Homfroi genealogy is not without its apparent contradictions, 
although they corne later than the génération we are concerned with. 10 
The name "Toron" cornes from the name of a castle built by the first 
Hugues de Tabarie on the northern border of his principality, in 1107, 
the year of his death. This castle, with the land about it, was assigned 
a little later to the first Homfroi. The Toron dynasty were thus feudal 
dependents of the Princes of Tabarie. 11 There seems to be no record 
of the French beginnings of this family, though it is practically cer- 
tain that the family was Norman. The list of the original Crusaders 
(Orderici Vitalis Historiae Eccl.) names two Omfroi: "Unfredus, filius 
Radulphi" and Unfredus de Monte Scabioso. This place is the modem 
Scaglioso, in Calabria. Both thèse men were followers of the turbulent 
Calabrian-Norman leader Boémond. " Omfroy " (English " Humphrey ") 
was. a favorite Norman and Anglo-Norman name, as the lists in the 
Familles d'Outre-Mer, Hist. Eccl., etc., show, and the most enterprising 
of the earlier Crusaders were descendants of Rollo. Richard of the 
Lion Heart himself was a great-great-grandson of Duke William. The 
data in the Lignages would develop the descent as follows: 

Kingsford, The Crusades, p. 340; F. Warre Cornish, Chivalry, p. 137; George W. Cox, 
The Crusades, p. 131. There is a legend of an intimate friendship between this young 
prince and Saint Francis of Assisi. See Bosone da Gubbio, L'Avventuroso Ciciliano, 
p. 451. Joinville, Saint Louis, p. 69, speaks of a Saracen leader who had been knighted 
by Friedrich Barbarossa. 

10 For a statement of them see Familles d'Outre-Mer, pp. 469 and 471. 

11 Familles d'Outre-Mer, p. 231. Galilée supplied 100 men to the national militia, 
Toron only 15 (Archer-Kingsford, p. 363). 

6 l'ordene de chevalerie 

Hanfroy dou Touron 

Hanffroy, conestable dou royaume de Jérusalem 
I I 

Hanffroy Isabeau, etc. 

(later Queen of Jérusalem) 
(no children) 

The Homfroi we hâve to deal with is evidently the second of this list, 
indicated in the index to Guillaume de Tyr as Henfredus Junior, as his 
son is Henfredus Tertius. He was the bravest warrior of his génération, 
and the Saracens feared him as greatly as they did Richard Coeur-de- 
Lion a little later. 12 There is a story of his having been a sworn brother 
of a Saracen émir, and of an occasion when he owed his life to the fidelity 
of this ally. The accounts of his knighting of Saladin contain tributes 
to his surpassing courage and gallantry. 

12 Extrait du Kamel-Altevarykh, p. 635; "Il est impossible de donner une idée de 
ce qu'était Honfroy. On se servait de son nom en guise de proverbe pour exprimer 
l'idée de bravoure et de prudence dans la guerre. Il était comme une affliction que 
Dieu avait déchaînée sur les musulmans. ..." 


Just how significant, consistent and useful an institution the Order 
of Chivalry ever was, is a matter concerning which opinions differ dia- 
metrically. The extrêmes are represented on the one hand by such 
writers as Léon Gautier, whose elaborate work, La Chevalerie, is one long 
panegyric on a nobly effective organization; and, on the other by P. 
Guilhiermoz, (Essai sur l'origine de la noblesse en France au Moyen Age) 
and W. A. Stowell (Old French Titles of Respect in Direct Address), who 
maintain that the Gautier conception of chivalry, based entirely on works 
of mediaeval fiction, is like nothing that ever existed; that knighthood 
was a soulless formality, and its so-called laws totally ignored by the 
members of the Order. This chapter is not a contribution toward the 
clearing up of the gênerai question, but I hâve accumulated some détails 
which may perhaps throw a certain light on phases of the institution. 

The Mediaeval knight must be a distant relative of the Latin eques, 
but the influence of one institution on the other is not very marked. The 
Equités, originally an aristocratie division of the army, came later to 
include ail Roman citizens blesse d with a certain minimum of fortune. 
With the removal of the capital to Constantinople they degenerated into 
a mère city-guard, and they disappear from history after the fourth 
century. With a little good-will, it is easy to find numerous points of 
similarity between the eques and the chevalier. The Roman knight was 
generally of noble birth; he had certain religious and police functions in 
addition to his duties as a soldier; there were religious cérémonies in 
connection with the organization of the centuries containing the équités, 
of which the ordination of knighthood may be in some degree a rémi- 
niscence; Belot (Histoire des chevaliers romains, p. 164) even finds a 
similarity between the combats of early Roman équités and the knightly 
combats of the Middle Ages; an unworthy eques was cermonially degraded 
to the inf antry, as a knight f orfeited his spurs and his sword (Livy, XXIV, 
18). But the équités disappeared centuries before the first Mediaeval 
knight made his appearance, and the latter was known in Mediaeval 
Latin, not as eques, but as miles. The history of this term is very instruc- 
tive. Originally designating the foot-soldiery as distinguished from the 
cavalry, it came under the late Empire to be applied to the personal 
soldiery of the Emperor, from which it seems to hâve been extended to 
apply to any member of his personal following (Cod. Theod. II, 1, 34; 

8 l'ordene de chevalerie 

Pand. IV, 6, 10, cited Lewis & Short, Latin Dictionary). Then came 
apparently an extension to the vassals of any prince (Bartal, Glossarium 
Mediae et Infirme Latinitatis Regni Hungariae, s.v. Antrustio). As the 
feudal organization takes form, we find the vassal designated as fidelis, 
hotno or miles. The chevalier is the miles of the feudal organization. 
Guilhiermoz, (Essai sur V origine de la noblesse en France, p. 140), writes 
concerning the origin of knighthood, "... milites, les vassaux propre- 
ment dits. Ceux-ci étaient considérés comme formant une classe de la 
société, or do militaris ou equestris, la militia. " And he proves his position 
by ample références. Flodvard, Annales, a. 948 (Mon. Germ. Script. 
III, p. 396), speaks of " . . . votis et acclamationibus procerum militiae- 
que Francorum. ..." Guillaume le Breton, died 1226, writes in his 
Philippide, III, v. 22-23, éd. Delaborde, p. 66, of the "... Proceres 
comitesque ducesque — Ordoque militae minor. ..." The historian 
Richer, writing at the end of the lOth century, several times speaks of 
the "equestri ordine" or the "militari ordine." There is no question 
that Chrétien's "Ordre" (Perceval, 1. 1,612), is an idealization of this 
Latin feudal institution. 

A painstaking semantic study of the word chevalier, carried through 
the Old French period, would no doubt resuit in some interesting con- 
clusions as to the character and the successive modifications of the 
institution. A rapid review of the principal monuments, from the Roland 
to the Perceval included, has shown that in the earlier poems the feudal 
relation is stressed more heavily, that in them religion and patriotism 
are emphasized and identified, and that in them the knight appears as 
a soldier in an army and not yet as an independent adventurer. In 
the Chancun de Guillelme mention is made of a knight's obligation toward 
a comrade in need; and not till the Floovant hâve I found an instance 
where a knight rescues a woman in distress. The Floovant, in fact, pré- 
sents a picture of a genuine knight-errant, and thus marks the transition 
from the collectivism of the old epic to the individualism of the later 

Chivalry's aspect of romantic idealism seems Germanie rather than 
Latin, in spite of the fact that the institution took strongest hold in 
France. The ceremony of knighting was an outgrowth of the ceremony 
of feudal investiture. At Ratisbone, in the year 791, Charlemagne 
solemnlyattached the sword to the sideof his son Louis, in verymuchthe 
way the knight received it later. The dénomination chevalier was current 
well before the end of the tenth century (Le P. Mabillon, Annales de 

l'ordene de chevalerie 9 

V ordre de saint Benoît, quoted le P. Daniel, Histoire de la Milice françoise, 
p. 97). A. Luchaire has found (see Lavisse, Hist. de France, II, 2, p. 141), 
that an elaborate form of knighting was practised under Otho III, that 
is, before 1002. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records, under date of the 
year 1085, that William the Conqueror "dubbade his sunn Henrie to 
ridere." The chivalric attitude toward women, which may be traced 
to the old German respect for the sex, is already hinted at in the Chanson 
de Roland (11. 1960 ff.). Gaston Paris writes of Chrétien de Troyes 
(Journal des Savants, 1902, p. 292); "... il exalte l'amour et, le premier 
sans doute dans la France du Nord, il en célèbre la vertu ennoblissante"; 
but if this be true, the idea was expressed earlier in the West, for several 
years before Chrétien, about 1155, we read in the Roman de Brut, 11. 
10,791 ff : 

Ne ja chevalier n'il etist, 

De quel parage que il fust, 

Ja peust, en tote sa vie, 

Avoir bêle dame a amie, 

Se il n'eust avant esté 

De chevalerie prové. 

Li chevalier mieuz en valoient; 

Et en estor mieuz en faisoient; 

Et les dames plus le servoient 

Et plus chastement en vivoient . . . 

Some years earlier still, Geoffroy of Monmouth wrote (IX, XIII, p. 134) : 
" Facetae etiam mulieres consimilia indumenta habentes, nullius amorem 
habere dignabantur, nisi tertio in militia approbatus esset. Efficieban- 
tur ergo castae mulieres, et milites amore illarum meliores. " Annette 
Hopkins (The Influence of Wace on the Arthurian Romance of Chrétien 
de Troyes, p. 146), is of the opinion that Wace is an innovator in the pré- 
sentation of the chivalry of refinement and élégance, as opposed to the 
brutality of the earlier epics. 1 

The West European institution of knighthood was not without models 
and congeners in other parts of the world. J. Flach (Les Origines de 
V ancienne France, p. 574), has found in the Arabie his tory of Antar, 
dating from the sixth century, an account of an adoubement strikingly 

^reeman, Fortnightly Review, Dec, 1876, tenus William Rufus, 1050-1100, the 
"first recorded man by whom the doctrines of honour and chivalry are constantly and 
ostentatiously put forward as his ruling principles of action." F. Warre Cornish, 
Chivalry, p. 30, cites Oman, Art of War, p. 199, and speaks of Baduila the Ostrogoth 
as "the first chivalrous figure in modem history." 

10 l'ordene de chevalerie 

similar to the Western cérémonial of centuries later: "De retour aux 
tentes, le roi revêtit Antar d'un khila (tunique ou pelisse) brodé d'or, le 
ceignit d'un sabre à lame rayée et lui fit amener un de ses plus nobles 
coursiers. — Dorénavant, dit-il, qu'il suive nos guerriers dans les rhaz- 
zias." Joinville speaks of a custom like knighthood which prevailed 
among the Saracens of his time, the young candidates for the Order 
being brought up in the Sultan's house till their beards appeared, which 
was taken as a sign that they were ready for initiation. Le Grand 
d'Aussy (Fabliaux , I, 216), quotesfrom a contemporary of his own whom 
he does not name, an account of a modem chivalric institution among the 
Mongol Mahometans. The name bahader, by which such an Oriental 
knight is known according to Le Grand's authority, is the name applied 
in the Chronique oVErnoul to the Saracen knights of the Crusade period. 
The same désignation, now spelled bahadur or bahauder, is today a céré- 
monial title in the common language of Hindoos and Mahometans. 
W. A. Nitze, (The Sister's Son and the Conte del Graal, Modem Philology, 
Jan., 1912), quotes from Howitt (Native Tribes of Southeastern Australia), 
a séries of instructions to intitates into the body of adult warriors, bear- 
ing some striking resemblances to the instructions to the new knight in 
our poem and elsewhere, and from Gillem and Spencer (Native Tribes 
of Central Australia) , an account of the binding about the initiate's 
waist of a human hair girdle, corresponding to the chivalric ceinture. 
Howitt (op. cit. y p. 213), finds a preliminary ceremony at the âge of ten 
to twelve and a final one between twenty-five and thirty, from which 
it appears that the squire, as well as the knight, has his counterpart 
among the modem Australians. 

Manual of knighthood though it is, our poem fails at one very impor- 
tant point to présent the generally accepted doctrine of chivalry. One 
of the knight's cardinal virtues is courtoisie. Sainte Palaye (Mémoires 
sur V ancienne Chevalerie, I, p. 347), finds the knight's religion hopelessly 
entangled with gallantry. Rosières (Histoire de la société française au 
Moyen Age, p. 384), concludes that it was impossible to be a knight 
without loving a lady. The phrase le tiers-amour, designating the 
necessary objects of a knight's love, covered "Dieu, l'honneur et les 
dames." 2 Sir Tristram says in the Morte d'Arthur: "A man may never 
be of prowess but if he be a lover. " Detailed instructions to knights 

2 Vaublanc, La France au temps des Croisades,!!, 33. The suggestion has beenmade 
that since the Virgin appeared very prominently in the knight's religion, his adoration 
o f Our Lady might naturally shade into love of a lady. Le Coy de la Marche, La Chaire 

l'ordene de chevalerie 11 

in other mediaeval works assume in gênerai a love-affair. 3 The fact 
that the élément of gallantry is entirely absent from our poem, and that 
even the mention of women among the helpless beings a knight should 
succour, — with no more sentiment involved than in aiding the poor and 
oppressed of his own sex, — fails to appear in the very dependable Ms. 
D, would support the probability of an austère clérical source for the 
poem. 4 

Our poet, being himself a Churchman, naturally ranks the knightly 
Order second, though only second, to the priesthood (11. 484 fi\). This 
is frequently done by other writers. 5 The two Orders are united in 
one great work, and their points of identity and similarity are men- 
tioned again and again. The training of the young clerk under the 
bishop was very similar to that of the squire under the knight. The 
knight was tonsured, much as was the priest. He was a generally 
recognized public censor and guardian of religion and morals. The 
same individual was occasionally both priest and knight. The knight 
was expected to be very careful in his observance of the forms of religion. 
He must attend Mass every day, if possible. He must observe the 
fasts scrupulously. He must give alms whenever he was able. His 
sword-hilt was a cross, often containing sacred relies, and he was thus 

française au Moyen Age, quotes a mediaeval preacher as having declared: "Nullus 
strenuus miles nisi amet; amor facit strenuitatem mijitae. " But the preacher probably 
referred to love of Heaven, rather than love of a woman. 

* Aiol et Mirabel, 169 ff. Perceval li Gallois, 526 5. Parzival, III, 339 ff., 16, 
131 ff. - Les Mabinogion, II, p. 51, etc. 

«Groeber, Grundriss, 2/1, p. 709, remarks: "Stark betont werden die Pflichten 
des geistlichen Rittertums. " The pious Majorcan Ramon Lull, whose Libre del 
orde de Cauayleria, appearing at the end of the thirteenth century, is an even more 
detailed mamial of knighthood than our poem, likewise makes no mention of the other 
sex as an object of romantic adoration; and he specifically warns against largesse, the 
virtue which Chrétien, Cligês, 192 ff., qualifies as "dame et reine" of ail knightly 
virtues, as the Roman de Mahomet (éd. Reinaud et Michel, 625) contends that "Ava- 
risce est de tous pechiés Commenchemens. ..." But Lull was a Churchman, too. 
Philippe de Navarre, Les quatre âges de Vhomme, p. 23, also warns against excessive 
generosity, but he tells us himself that he wrote his book after he had passed seventy. 
Extravagance is critieized in the Eructavit (éd. T. Atkinson Jenkins. See Introduction, 
p. viii). There is a hint of economy in the knightly instructions contained in the pious 
Parzival of Wolfram von Eschenbach. Paul Meyer, Alexandre le Grand, p. 220, finds 
a gênerai reaction toward economy in the course of the fourteenth century. 

6 Lull, op. cit., X; Bible Berze, Barbazon-Méon, Fabliaux, II, p. 399, 1. 179, etc. 
But Perceval, 2,827 ff., does not place even the priest above the knight. 


always in a position to help himself and others with the offices of religion. 
His Order was the secular arm of the Church, and his part in the main- 
tenance of the Church was quite as definitely assigned as that of the 
clergy. It was his duty to use force for the purposes which the priest- 
hood accomplished by persuasion, thus neglecting no sort of effort to 
advance the cause of the Church. His military efficiency would be as 
highly rewarded in Heaven as the piety of the priest. Thus the licen- 
tious Richard Coeur-de-Lion, for a daring leap into the sea while leading 
his army in Palestine, as a resuit of which a décisive victory was won, 
was to be the companion in Paradise of a certain hermit of great sanctity, 
in spite of the latter's reluctance (Don Juan Manuel, Libro de Patronio, 
III; Ambroise, Guerre Sainte, 11. 11,127—11,130). The knight was to 
be well repaid for the faithful performance of his religious duties. Par- 
don for ail sins, which the Council of Clermont promised ail Crusaders 
to the Orient, was extended later to the Albigensian Crusaders, (Cox, 
The Crusades, p. 178) and in our poem (11. 478 ff.) immédiate and uncon- 
ditional entrance into Heaven is the privilège at death of ail true knights 
wherever employed. God was ever ready with miraculous aid for 
those who kept the ordinances. Thus a warrior who had fasted faith- 
fully was rewarded with power to talk with a priest and secure absolu- 
tion after he had been decapitated (La Tour Landry, VII, 10) . 6 

There are points of similarity between the cérémonial of knight- 
hood and other religious forms. As early as 838, Charles the Bald 
received the sword from King Louis, with the words "Au nom du Père, 
du Fils, et du Saint Esprit. " Sainte-Palaye notes that the white gar- 
ment and bath suggest baptism, as the blow suggests the cérémonial of 
confirmation. Gautier believes that the word lever, ordinarily meaning 
the lifting of the baptized child from the font, was sometimes used as 
an équivalent for adouber. The newly-baptized is covered with a white 
garment, just as is the newly-bathed knight. Perceforest uses the 
word épouser for adouber, which would hint at a relation with the mar- 
riage ceremony; and the ordinance for the making of knights of Bath 
compares the knight to "une nouvelle mariée." In theory at least, 
the knight is always and everywhere the servant of the Church; he enters 
the Order after a cérémonial of priestly ordination, his love-affairs are 
indirect homage to the Virgin, of whom every woman is the fleshly 
symbol; his ostentatious largesse is Christian charity exaggerated; his 

6 Dieffenbacher, Deutsches Lebenim 12. J ahrhundert, 33; Du Cange, Dissertation 
sur Vhistoire de St. Louis, Gossarium, X, 12. 

l'ordene de chevalerie 13 

battles are fought for the honor of "Dieu et sa dame," two objects of 
adoration between which he is not encouraged to distinguish sharply; 
the reward for his services, — apparently his only reward during the early 
part of the Crusade period, except what booty he might incidentally 
appropriate, — is immédiate entrance into Heavenly bliss. Had he be- 
come and remained a consistent servant of the Church, his Order might 
hâve taken a more definite and permanent form. But having no recog- 
nized Head and no System of government, knighthood could not continue 
to exist as a separate institution. 

Since the body of the knights was thus no one definitely organized 
corporation, as was the clergy for instance ,we must expect endless con- 
fusion and contradiction in rules and practices. First, as to eligibility: 
Our poem (11. 83 ff.) explains that Saladin cannot be made a knight 
because he is not a Christian, and it would seem reasonable that an 
organization whose business it was to défend the Church must of neces- 
sity be composed of those who supported the Church. The kingdom of 
Jérusalem, where the king was only the tool of the Patriarch and the 
Pope was the real head even of the secular government, waspractically 
a theocracy; but even in the West the knights accepted a function which 
implied membership of the Church. Treis (Die Formalitaeten des 
Ritterschlags , p. 16), décides that whereas noble birth was not an abso- 
lutely necessary qualification, acceptance of the Christian faith is indis- 
pensable; yet he finds even this requirement neglected in the caseof 
Gaudin de Blout (Partonpaeus, 11. 7,813 ff.), Floire himself in Floire et 
Blanchefleur, (2,824 ff. and 2,937), and Povre-Veu in Foulques de Candie 
(67-68 and 96-98). This is fiction, but Treis need not hâve looked far 
to find historical instances of the same laxity. Besides the well-attested 
case of the nephew of Saladin, there is a record of the knighting of the 
Egyptian émir Fachr-ed-din in 1228, by Frederick II, of the 
knighting of the Sultan of Egypt in 1250 by the Grand Master of the 
Order of St. John; and Joinville, p. 69, says of a Saracen leader: "L'on 
disoit que li emperieres Ferris l'avoit fait chevalier. " Where there is so 
much smoke, there certainly must be fire. Complimentary knightings 
were undoubtedly fréquent, and the récipients were very likely to be the 
gallant foes of the Christians. 

Since knighthood was an outgrowth of the feudal arrangement and 
a knight was a superior vassal, he was in theory necessarily a noble, even 
if a noble were not necessarily a knight. Honoré d'Autun, in his De 
Imagine Mundi, maintains that only knights are Japhetic in origin, 


while serfs are the desœndents of Ham, and freemen, of Shem. The 
fact that Richard Coeur-le-Lion, although he heaped ail other possible 
honors and benefits on his favorite the ex-bandit Mercadier, making 
him commander of his army, a wealthy landholder, etc., failed to knight 
him, has attracted the attention of scholars, and the suggestion has been 
made that the free-booter's humble birth was the insuperable obstacle. 
But the same Richard did not hesitate to knight the heathen son of 
Saphadin, and did not err in gênerai in the direction of over-scrupulous- 
ness. In Jérusalem, in 1187, after the disaster of Tiberias had devas- 
tated the ranks of Palestine chivalry, Balian of Ibelin helped to swell 
them again by making knights in short order of sixty sturdy bourgeois 
(Dodu, Histoire des institutions monarchiques dans le royaume latin de 
Jérusalem, p. 275). Friedrich Barbarossa is said by a contemporary 
(Gontier, quoted le P. Daniel, Histoire de la Milice françoise, p. 97), to 
hâve knighted a number of men of low birth, a procédure which, says 
the narrator, would hâve been regarded as unworthy among the French. 
The records of the Parliament of Paris show that the Count of Nevers 
was fined by Philip the Hardy for knighting two men of low birth, and 
that the new knights were fined also, but that the king finally confirmed 
them in their new dignity. The tutor Salomon, in Doon de Mayence, 
is ofïered knighthood if he will murder the children of his master. In 
the Chevalier du Cygne (p. 39, 11. 990 ff.), the renegade traitor Malquarré 
is knighted in order that he may do battle with the young hero. So both 
fiction and history bear évidence to laxity in observing the rule of birth; 
although the rule was in theory a very severe one, requiring that the 
candidate produce four noble ancestors. 7 

Lack of organization appears also from the variety of cérémonial 
at différent times and under différent circumstances. Thus the colée, 
which the hero of our poem names as an important détail but refuses 
to administer to Saladin, seems to hâve been entirely absent in the early 
history of knighthood, whereas in the form of the accolade it became 
the essential and often the only élément of later knightings. And again, 
although our poem stresses the religious significance of the ceremony, 
there is no mention of anything corresponding to the church vigil which 
came later to play so important a part. 

If we follow the procédure as the poem indicates it, we hâve first, 
11. 108-9, the spécial treatment of the hair and beard. Just what this 
treatment was, is not clear. The Barbazon-Méon prose version says 
distinctly that hair and beard were not eut off. Le Grand (Fabliaux, I, 

l'ordene de chevalerie 15 

221) assumes the poem to imply that they were, and accounts for the 
variance in the prose version by explaining that the French contem- 
poraries of the poem were clean shaven, whereas the style had changed 
by the time the story was put into prose. But both versions corne within 
the thirteenth century, and it is well known that the upper classes shaved 
their faces clean ail through the thirteenth century and well into the 
fourteenth. Treis (op. cit., p. 71), seems to hâve read the poem as Le 
Grand did at this point. The historical Saladin would certainly never 
hâve allowed shears or razor to touch his face. William of Tyre says 
that a Mahometan considered the loss of hair a disgrâce akin to castra- 
tion. 7 Even when they attempted to disguise themselves, the Saracens 
would not sacrifice their beards (Matthew Paris, I, 379) . The value which 
the Mohammedan set on his beard was well known to Occidentals, and 
is made use of in the Chanson oVAntioche, XXIII, where the Saracen 
commander Garsin sends half his beard to the King of Persia with a 
frantic appeal for help against the Christians: 

Nel vousist avoir fait por mil mars d'or pesé. 
Muis en vousist avoir Mahomet demé. 

The king recognizes in the remittance a sign of terrible distress: 

Quant sa barbe a coupée, ço est grans pitiés. 

The possession of long hair was associated with strength even in the 
Occident; 8 and that great importance was even in the Occident attached 
at times to the possession of a beard is shown by the story of young 
Floovant, son of Clovis, who for a joke eut ofï the beard of his tutor 
while the old man was asleep, and who would hâve paid for the offense 
with his life if the Queen had not interceded for him. Perhaps the 
shaving off of the beard was not absolutely necessary, even in a bona 
ûde knighting. Guilhiermoz (op. cit., p. 405) has found évidence that 
in the knighting of older men it was at times the practice simply to touch 
the beard without removing it. The verb apparillier (1. 109) might easily 
refer to some such dressing or ornamentation as Wilhelm Hertz has 
quoted various instances of in the note to his édition of Parzival, p. 531, 
or to such careful braiding and parting as was common at this period. 9 

The next step is the bath, signifying such purification as the infant 
receives from baptism. The attaching of a cérémonial significance to a 

7 See Dreesbach, Der Orient in der afrz. Kreuzzugsliteratur, p. 36. 

8 Chanson de Roland, p. 52, 11. 975 ff. 

9 Viollet-le-Duc, III, s.v. coiffure; Quicherat, Histoire du Costume, 192. 

16 l'ordene de chevalerie 

hygienic procédure apparently came rather late. Gautier does not find 
it before the Anseis de Carthage. According to Peter the Vénérable, the 
Templars were always chary of baths, 10 and by the time of the last 
Valois the gênerai use of linen undergarments had done away almost 
entirely with the salutary procédure, except that it was occasionally 
reported to in case of illness (Méray, La Vie au temps des Cours d'Amour, 
p. 275). There was a period when abstention from the bath was re- 
garded as a real deprivation, as is evidenced by the fact that it was 
sometimes imposed by the Church as a penance (Dieffenbacher, Deut- 
sches Leben im 12. Jahrhundert, p. 145). It was a feature, not only of 
knighting, but also of the ordination of a priest, and of the marriage 
ceremony (Méray, op. cit., p. 275). 

Immediately after the bath, Saladin is put to bed. The ordinance 
of the Knights of the Bath (see, e.g., DuCange, s.v. miles) implies that 
the bed is made to serve the purpose of towel after bathing. This agrées 
with 11. 675 f. of the Roman de la Violette, where the heroine 

En son lit entre, si s'essuie, 
Puis s'est vestue et acesmée. 

In our poem the candidate takes his ease for a time in bed, and is thus 
able to appreciate the patron's reminder of the flowery beds of ease 
awaiting those knights who merit them by a life of virtue and courage. 

Following the cérémonial drying in bed, cornes the putting on of the 
cérémonial garments; apparently this is done by Hugues. The dressing 
of a knight, as well as other intimate services, was regularly performed 
by another person. In Perceval, 11. 3,322 fî\, we find the hero surprised 
because, lef t alone in the morning, he must climb out of the bed unaided 
and dress himself. In our poem, Saladin is laid in bed and lifted out 
like a child. In the Barbazon-Méon prose version, Hugues, when 
ready to draw on the chausses, "li torne les gambes hors du Ht." The 
knight's exertions on the battle field were evidently reckoned to exempt 
him completely from exertion at home. 

The garments and equipment are put on in the following order: 
linen undergarment, red robe, cauces, ceinture, spurs, sword, coiffe. 
In the Girart de Roussillon, the order is: Braies, chemise, chausses, 
souliers. Quicherat {op. cit., p. 200) gives it: chemise, braies, Manchet 
(futaine), chaperon, chausses, souliers, robe. Were the cauces, which 
were put on Saladin, the chausses of Girart and of Quicherat's typical 

10 Vaublanc, La France au temps des Croisades, II, 295. 

l'ordene de chevalerie 17 

knight, or were they rather the équivalent of the souliers} Barbazon- 
Méon, I, vocabulary, translate cauche, cauchemente, by soulier, chaussure, 
without comment. The Chrétien Wôrterbuch of Foerster translates 
chauces by Schuhe, but his examples are not convincing. Exactly the 
same is true of the Godefroy dictionary. The dictionaries of Du Cange 
and Ste. Palaye say the same, and both quote this passage. Lane- 
Poole (Saladin, p. 390) accepts this translation without hésitation. It 
requires some temerity to question this array of authorities, but I hâve 
yet to find a context which shows indisputably that the word refers to a 
low outside foot covering of leather or other substantial material, rather 
than a longer leg covering of cloth. Black chausses were "le suprême 
bon ton" at the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (Quicherat, 
op. cit., p. 198), and it is surely thèse black hose that are meant hère. 
The Count of Bourges, disguised as a poor man, wears "souliers à liens" 
without chausses underneath. In the Chevalier au Cygne, p. 45, 1. 1,174, 
mention is made of "Saullers et rices cauces. ..." Our poem says 
distinctly that the cauces were of saie, and one MS. speaks of saie de 
bruges. Even as coarse a cloth as saie was scarcely a material for foot 
covering, although it is true that dress shoes were sometimes made of 
fabrics. Paul Meyer (Girart de Roussillon, p. lxxxi) defines cauces of 
v. 3,155 as "chaussons destinés à être portés par dessus les chausses at 
dans les souliers." It is evidently something of the same sort that 
Viollet-le-Duc (Mobiliaire, III, p. 150) describes under the name of 
chausses basses; but he finds them worn in gênerai by the lower classes 
only. Godefroy, s.v. cauchier, quotes from Là. xii. cordons, Richel. 
2,039, fo. 15a, the line 

Pour faire cauces et cauchiers 

which would indicate that if cauchiers were shoes, cauces were something 
différent. Karl Treis {op. cit., pp. 67-68) gives our word the proper mean- 
ing of "strumpfartige(n) Hosen." Richars li Biaus, 11. 819 ff., wears 

. . . sollers detrenchiés 
Qu'il ot sur les Gauches cauchiés, 

and various other citations of similar import could be found. 

Linen is a cleanlier material than woolen, and its appearance for 
garments next to the skin led to a discontinuance of the salutary habit 
of the bath. The linen undergarment is a sign of personal purity. In 
VEnseignment des Princes of Robert de Blois, which is probably not far 
from contemporary with our poem, we hâve, 11. 501 ff., another detailed 

18 l'ordene de chevalerie 

discussion of the symbolism of each article of the knight's dress and 
equipment; but there the hoqueton, being worn under the other clothing, 
is interpreted as a warning to the knight that he should be kind to those 
who are under, — to the humble and needy. 

Then cornes the robe vermelle, sign of the blood which the wearer should 
be ever ready to shed for the Church. According to Sainte-Palaye, 
(Mémoires, pp. 248 and 292) only knights and doctors were in the Middle 
Ages allowed to wear red. Robert de Blois gives the robe the same 
significance as our poet, but Raymond Lull (Libre del orde de Cauayleria, 
XXVI) tells us that the robe signifies "los grans trabayls los quais li 
coue a sofferre per honrar lorde de cauayleria." Just what the color 
in question was, is a matter about which there might be some question. 
The color suggests to the poet the color of blood. Coarse grained ver- 
millon is as a matter of fact crimson. Robes of dark red approaching 
purple were not infrequent (Langlois, La Société française, p. 41). The 
adjective vermeil was frequently used to describe the appearance of 
blood. Yet the modem translators, Le Grand and William Morris, 
insist on transforming the robe into a scarlet one. The genesis of the 
confusion is probably as follows: The author of the Barbazon-Méon 
prose version adds to his mention of the color of the robe, the information 
that its material was "d'ecarlate u de soie. " "Ecarlate" was originally 
not the name of a color, but of a woolen cloth; but the vogue of a costly 
scarlet dye which was often used to color this cloth, caused the name 
of the cloth to be appropriated for the dye (Schulz, op. cit., I, 355). Le 
Grand confuses material with color, and his misinterpretation, or that 
of some other modem Frenchman, has influenced foreigners as well as 

The cauches are in three of the MSS. spoken of as brunes, but ail 
which hâve 1. 169 use the adjective noire in rhyme. Brun in its more 
gênerai meaning of dark, may be a synonym for noire. In Bosone da 
Gubbio, UAvventuroso Ciciliano, p. 415, where a prose version of this poem 
occurs, brune is similarly used as synonymous with nere. The color of 
the cauches is to remind the knight constantly of the dark grave where 
he must one day rest, and thus to check any temptation to pride which 
may arise in him. The chausses in the Enseignement des Princes are not 
cloth stockings, but métal leggings, and by their hardness and coldness 
are to warn the knight to be as steel in dealing with ail infractions of 

l'ordene de chevalerie 19 

Now cornes the assumption of the ceinture, symbol of sexual conti- 
nence. There are in Mediaeval literature hints of attempts to carry 
the parallelism between knighthood and priesthood to the point of 
organizing the knights into a band of celibates. The ceinture is given 
the same meaning as hère, in Caritas LXXIX: 

Prestre, ke te dit te chainture? 
Ele dit: "Prestre, fui luxure." 

In that case, it enjoins virginity. What could hâve given rise to this 
thought of a girdle as a protection against the assaults of evil, a thought 
which appears in thèse poems and was probably gênerai? Is there 
not a possible connection with the old custom of protecting a church 
with an iron chain or a great ring of other material, noted by Arnold 
van Gennep (Religions, Moeurs et Légendes, pp. 7 and 12) in Bavaria 
and the Tyrol, and in the Lebanon country? Whether the object of 
the band was to keep the saint in or the evil power out, the similarity 
remains a striking one. — According to Vaublanc (Dictionaire Raisonné, 
p. 108) a narrow ceinture had become a regular part of men's attire by 
the thirteenth century. His natural size illustration, p. 111, shows the 
ceinture to hâve been less than half an inch wide. Cornish, p. 116, finds 
that the belt, which came to be one of the distinctive symbols of knight- 
hood, was identified with the cingulum worn by Roman officiais. 

Hugues now attaches two gilded spurs to the Sultan's heels. It was 
not common to make spurs of solid gold, but of gilded steel. Gilded 
spurs were the spécial prérogative of the knight, even the squire being 
expected to wear them of silver instead, if not of steel. But K. Treis 
(op. cit., p. 76) has collected a number of quotations which seem to imply 
that a squire shortly to become a knight might assume a knight's spurs; 
and since the sumptuary law of 1279 in France prohibited bourgeois 
from wearing gold spurs, the restriction must hâve been occasionally 
violated. St. Louis, who was extremely simple in his dress, ignored 
the knight's privilège and wore spurs of whitened iron (Quicherat, p. 
202). Perceval, 1. 1,601, is authority for the statement that it was the 
custom for the patron who dubbed the knight to buckle on the right 
spur. If this was ever a fixed custom, it did not remain so. In the 
MS. de l'Arsenal (P. Meyer, Alexandre le Grand, I, 393), the new-made 
knight Alexander buckles on his own spurs. In Thomas de Kent's 
account of the knighting of the same hero (Ibid., I, 195 f.) Philip holds 
the sword, but another, "li bon gonfan(o)niers," attaches the golden 

20 l'ordene de chevalerie 

spurs. In the version of Kyng Alisander published by H. Weber in his 
Metrical Romances, I, p. 39, 11. 813 ff., King Philip girds on the sword 
and one Tholomas looks to the spurs. In the Ordinance of the Knights 
of the Bath, the sword, the right spur and the left spur are handled by 
three différent persons. In Galeran, the right spur is buckled on by 
the Duke of Austria and the sword attached by the valiant knight 
Brundore. In the thirteenth century picture which is reproduced in 
Paul Lacroix's Science and Literature, p. 389, as well as elsewhere, one 
person applies the sword in the accolade, while two others simultaneously 
attach the spurs. In the Siete Partidas of Alfonso of Castille (Partida, 
II, Titulo XXI, Ley XIV, pp. 208 f.) the rule is recorded that the 
new knight's patron, who gives him the accolade, must himself put the 
spurs on the candidate, "o mandar a algunt caballero que gelas calze," — 
which settles the matter very plausibly. 

The symbolism of the spurs is to the effect that, as they are the means 
of guiding the obedient horse, so the knight himself should submit 
obediently to the guidance of God. In Lull (XXIV) the spurs signify 
"diligencia et espertisa." In the Enseignement des Princes they are a 
reminder that fear of Hell and hope of Heaven should spur the knight 
to virtuous activity. The apparent implication of our poem that the 
spurs are a means of guiding the animal, may seem a little strange; but 
when it is remembered that it was necessary on occasion to occupy both 
hands with sword and shield and to let the reins take care of themselves, 
as is évident from pictures of the period, it seems probable that the 
knight gained considérable proficiency in handling his horse with his 
thighs and his heels. 

Now cornes the sword,the two-edged brant. The two edges signify 
"droiture et loiauté," especially in connection with the knight's function 
of protector of the poor and weak. In Lull the sword symbolizes "caste- 
tat e justicia," while, evidently very much at random, the two edges 
are said to mean "cauaylaria e justicia." Lull also calls attention to 
the cross f ormed by the handle and the hilt, as does the Enseignement des 
Princes. The edges, in the very detailed treatment of the sword's 
symbolism in the latter work, are an injunction to support both laws 
(secular and ecclesiastical?). In the Siete Partidas (II, XXI, IV) the 
hilt of the sword is interpreted to mean cordura, the knob fortaleza, 
the guard mesura, the sharp,. straight blade justicia. 

The white coiffe which cornes next signifies the knight's soûl, purified 
by pénitence, until worthy to enjoy the ineffable delights of Heaven. 

l'ordene de chevalerie 21 

In the Enseignement, the coiffe, for a reason that is not very clear, is 
a warning to close the heart against pride. 

At this point the cérémonial stops. Hugues refuses to give Saladin 
the blow, 11 on the ground that it would be an unwarrantable indignity 
for a prisoner to strike his captor under any circumstances. A similar 
instance of the omission of the blow because of the exalted rank of the 
candidate occurs in the Romancero del Cid (Ed. Carolina Michaelis, 
No. XXIX, p. 46) : 

El Rey le cinô la espada, 

Paz en la boca le ha dado, 

No le diera pescozado 

Como â otros habia dado . . . 

It is clear that both Hugues and the Cid's patron hâve in mind the violent 
blow with the hand, which was later replaced by a a harmless tap with 
the flat of the sword. Paulin Paris (Hist. Lit., XXII, pp. 614 f.) criti- 
cizes Sainte-Palaye's statement that this blow was struck against the 
cheek, having found it always described in the Geste des Lorrains as 
being delivered on the back of the neck; but Treis (p. 96) finds the blow 
on the cheek fréquent in the earlier monuments, giving way in time, how- 
ever, to one on the neck. The reason for the blow, as given hère, namely 
that the knight should always keep his patron in memory, is one that is 
very generally assigned. Lull has it on a slightly higher plane, or at 
least more clearly on such a plane; "Een significar de caritat deu besar 
e donar li quexada, perço que H membrant de so q promet e d'el gran 
carrech a que sobliga, e d'el gran honor q preu per lorde de cauayleria." 
Le Grand (Fabliaux, I, p. 224) suggests that the blow symbolized the 
last indignity to which the knight would ever tamely submit, acting thus 
as a spur to valor. 

Hugues now proceeds to détail four duties which are incumbent 
upon the knight, failing of which he cannot expect salvation. They 
are (a) that he be never guilty of false judgment, and that if he should 
ever find himself in a company where the conversation is treasonable 
or wicked, failing to turn the discussion he must leave the company at 
once. Two of the four moral virtues of which a knight must be possessed 
were force and justice (Rosières, op. cit., p. 381). The knight was a 
generally recognized censor. The Chevalier de la Tour (quoted by 
Ste. Palaye, p. 72) tells of a knight who went about indicating who were 

11 Groeber, Grundriss, 2/1, p. 709, says mistakenly that Hugues gave Saladin the 

22 l'ordene de chevalerie 

worthy women and who were not, and who meeting in a public a s esmbly 
a young noble dressed indecently, compelled him to go and change his 
clothing. The fifteenth century English version of Huon de Bordeaux 
gives almost the same instruction we hâve hère, /"be not in the plase 
where yll words be spoken, or yll counsell gyven/fly fro Company of 
them that louyth not honor & trouthe/ ..." Lull is of the opinion 
that ail those who exercise any sort of authority should be knights. 
St. Louis 12 advises his son to prevent ill speaking by violence: "Suffer 
it not that any ill be spoken of God or His saints in your présence, with- 
out taking prompt vengeance." (b) The knight must not only refrain 
from misleading women, but must help them by every means in his 
power. This is a cardinal knightly obligation, and is mentioned again 
and again in mediaeval literature. (c) He must be abstinent, and in 
particular must fast every Friday in remembrance of Christ's death, 
unless prevented by sickness or "compaignie"(?), in which case he must 
make amends to God by giving alms or by some other penance. Finally 
(d) he must hear mass every day, and if he is financially able, must 
make regular contributions at thèse services, since gifts thus made hâve 
great virtue. The excessive importance attached to such purely exterior 
observances as the two latter, has already been mentioned. Knightly 
tournaments were suspended during fast-periods (Otto Mueller, Die 
taeglichen Lebensgewohnheiten in den altfranzôsischen Artusromanen, p. 
62), and it was a sin even to bear arms on Good Friday (Ibid., p. 63). 
Raoul de Cambrai, who burned alive a convent of nuns but was careful 
not to offend by eating méat on Friday, is frequently quoted as a type 
of mediaeval piety. St. Louis was so careful in his observance of Friday 
that he took care never to laugh on that day. A group of Crusaders 
who were forced by famine to eat méat during Lent (Ambroise, Guerre 
Sainte, 11. 4,381 fï.), did penance later by submitting each to 

Treize cops d'un bâton sor le dos 

administered by a priest, who, it is true, was careful that they should 
be "ne gaires gros." The Siete Partidas (I, IV, XXXIII) will not 
allow a doctor to treat a patient till he has visited the confessional. 
A writer represented in the Montaiglon-Reynaud collection of Fabliaux 
(II, p. 171) finds a little alms helpful toward winning Heaven, but a great 
one much more so; while another poem in the same collection remarks 
that even thieves do not dare to eat flesh on Friday. Joinville (St. 

12 Bibl. de l'Ecole des Chartes, XXXIII, 1872, 424-442. 

l'ordene de chevalerie 23 

Louis, p. 115) tells that he was once greatly disturbed at the possible 
conséquences of his having inadvertently " mangé cher" on Friday; 
but, being assured by his Saracen host that an unintentional sin was 
not really a sin, he accepted that position and ceased worrying. 

The poet evidently intends that the "molt biel don" of 1. 318, con- 
sisting of (a) permission to corne and claim the freedom of any of his 
following who may be taken prisoner in the future, (b) the release of 
ten of his présent fellow-prisoners, and a little later (c) his own unran- 
somed release with a gif t of money besides, shall be understood not as 
the fumllment of a contract or even as payment, but as the manifesta- 
tion of the largesse with which the knight is expected to enter upon 
his new esta te. (c) is of course a fumllment, with interest, of a 
promise made before there was any question of the honorary knighting. 

The release of a knight on parole to collect his ransom from friends 
and well-wishers must hâve been a common occurrence. One of the 
vows of knighthood was, when taken prisoner in open warfare, to pay 
one's ransom faithfully or return to prison (Vulson de la Colombières, 
Vrai Théâtre d'honneur et de chevalerie, I, 22, quoted Guizot, Civilisation 
en France, III, 157). But Christian ecclesiastics laid down the rule 
that an oath to infidels was null and void (Lane-Poole, Saladin, p. 45), 
and many Christian knights who were made prisoner in Palestine took 
the clergy at their word in this matter. Ambroise {Guerre Sainte, 
LXXVIII) testifies that Guy de Lusignan was released by the Church 
from the obligation of an oath made to Saladin; and Cornish (Chivalry, 
p. 117, note) quotes from a Christian writer of the period the pathetic 
complaint that the Mohammedans could not be brought to appreciate 
the Pope's power of compensation in such cases. There were noble ex- 
ceptions, however, at least in fiction. The story of the Seigneur d'Ang- 
lure, who could not collect the stipulated ransom and went back to cap- 
tivity, has been frequently told, (See Gaston Paris, Légende de Saladin, 
p. 292) ; and Cornish 13 mentions a tradition of a knight who kept a parole 
which had been allowed him to visit a lady, and whose generous captor, 
nlled with admiration at his fldelity to his word, rewarded him with 
liberty. Joinville wondered at St. Louis' extrême love of truth, which 

13 Chivalry, p. 136. Cornish seems to be telling the incident used by Antonio 
de Yillegas in his novela, Historia del Abencerrage y la hermosa Jarlfa, which according 
to Ticknor has a historical ba.sis. If this is the story he has in mind, Cornish has 
reversed the rôles. It was a Moorish knight who was taken prisoner, and the story 
is a tribute to Moorish, not to Christian, honor. 

24 l'ordene de chevalerie 

prompted him even to keep faith with infidels. AU this contrasted 
painfully with the scrupulous and impartial fairness of Saladin, who, 
according to Lane-Poole, "never broke a treaty in his life." The story 
of his paying a ransom he had himself imposed can be parallelled from 
a well attested occurrence in his life. When he took Jérusalem he set a 
nominal price for the freedom of each inhabitant, but finding that several 
thousands of the population were too poor to pay even the modest sum 
he asked, he and his brother Malek-el-Adel advanced the necessary sum 
for their release (Ludlow, Age of the Crusades, p. 192). In Number 
Two of the Conti di Antichi Cavalieri, published in 1851 by Pietro Fan- 
fani, from a MS. which its editor dates in the twelfth century or at the 
beginning of the thirteenth, one of Saladin's barons asks for the liberty 
of ten Christian prisoners, and another asks for the release of a baron, 
to which Saladin replies: "Se questi ô dati a voi che so' me sete, bene 
debbo gli altri a Deo, ch'è signore de me, dare. E cosi tutti li altri, 
che milliaja erano, per Dio molti lascioè. " 

The poet dwells on the police duties of the knight, especially in con- 
nection with the churches. If it were not for their présence, miscreants 
would steal the very cups from the communion tables, he says. It is 
for this reason, he goes on, that a knight cornes to mass armed. The 
basis for the poet's complaint seems to hâve been an amply sufhcient 
one. In the year 1203, it was so common a practice in Flanders to abuse 
churches and maltreat ecclesiastics that the Pope issued a spécial letter 
to the clergy of that région, enjoining them to excommunicate every 
layman guilty of such misconduct (Cartulaires de la Prévôté de Saint- 
Martin, p. 21). A little earlier, the bold preacher Geoffroy Babian ful- 
minated against the violent nobility; "Quels sont ces loups? Ils atta- 
quent les hommes, Dieu, les biens du Seigneur. Les temples consacrés 
à Dieu par le sacrifice de la Messe, ils les violent, ils y mettent le feu!" 14 
There was a great deal of rudeness and disorder even among the devout 
who came for worship (L. de la Marche, La Chaire française au Moyen 
Age, p. 211). Since the sacred vessels were commonly of one of the 
precious metals 15 they naturally excited the cupidity or spite of the 

14 L. Bourgain, La Chaire française au Xlle siècle, p. 295. See also the warning 
to the young nobleman in Raoul de Cambray, p. 42, which would not hâve been uttered 
if there had not been a possibility of its being needed: 

Fix, ne destruie chapele ne mostier. 

15 The Siete Partidas, I, IV, CXII, provide that they must be of gold or silver 
except in the case of very poor churches, which may hâve them of tin; and the Sym- 

l'ordene de chevalerie 25 

irreverent. During the outrages of the Coteraux, for instance, in 1183, 
thèse Vandals were in the habit of treating the vessels with spécial in- 
dignity {Chronique de Guillaume de Nangis, p. 55). 

V. 458 f . informs us of a convention which demanded that those 
who were sitting should rise at the approach of a knight. The père 
Daniel (Hist. de la Milice françoise, p. 110) main tains that knights were 
regularly given the title of "Monseigneur" or "Messire," a mode of 
address which was not employed with others, even of the most ancient 
nobility; 16 and Le Grand narrâtes that they were allowed to eat at the 
tables of kings, which princes could not do unless they were knights. 

If the knight does his duty, he cannot be prevented from going 
straight to Paradise, says our poem. This is a privilège which common 
men do not enjoy, as the poet implies by the following Unes. Gautier, 
it is true, concludes (op. cit., p. 768) that any baptized person not in 
mortal sin was supposed to rise straight to Heaven; and Matthew Paris 
(II, 323-4) notes under the year 1249: "... there departed to the 
Lord several illustrious French crusaders . . . and new like martyrs 
to the celés tial kingdoms"; but there is plenty of évidence of a différent 
view. Thibaut de Champagne (Chansons, p. 125) déclares for an in- 
terregnum, with no assignment to Heaven and Hell till the Judgment 
Day. The same doctrine is presented in the song Parti de mal et a bien 
aturnê (Bédier et Aubry, Chansons de Croisade, p. 71). Moreover, 
our poet, in sending the deceased knight straight to Heaven, is allowing 
him to escape the necessary probationary stay in Purgatory, an institu- 
tion whose existence, declared by the Council of Carthage (A. D. 396), 
was réitéra ted at Florence (1439) and at Trent (1545-63), so that it was 
an established Church dogma at the time we are dealing with. There 
is, however, a gênerai opinion that the dogma did not take a firm hold 
on the average lay mind. Karl Vossler (Die Gôttliche Komodie, I, 1,083) 
finds the doctrine unsuited for artistic treatment, and is of the opinion 
that Dante himself was not successful with it. P. Pfeffer (Beitràge zur 
Kenntnis des afrz. Volkslebens, meist auf Grund der Fabliaux, p. 16) has 
not found a single référence to Purgatory in the Fabliaux. R. Schroeder 
(Glaube und Aberglaube in den~ afrz. Dichtungen; quoted G. Schiavo, 

bolism of Durandus, p. 68, accepts this régulation and gives the symbolic significance 
of each of thèse three materials but no other. 

16 This does not agrée with Stowell's findings. See Old French Titles of Respect 
in Direct Address, pp. 221 ff. 

26 l'ordene de chevalerie 

Fede e Super stizione, Zeitschrift Fur Romanische Philologie, XIV, 1890, 
p. 91), has found such références rare in Old French literature in gênerai 
and Schiavo (loc. cit.) concludes that "La fede popolare nel Purgatorio 
non doveva essere molto radicata. ..." But literary use of the dog- 
ma is not so infrequent as Schiavo and Schroeder décide. Marie de 
France was far from the only writer to make use of it. Philippe de Na- 
varre and La Tour Landry deal with it. Schiavo himself gives a respect- 
able list of références. G. Deschamps, Baudouin de Sébourg, Gillibert 
de Cambres, and others, mention it, in passages cited in the Godefroy 
and Ste. Palaye dictionaries. It has taken strong hold on Wolfram 
(See Grazer Studien zur deutschen Philologie, Anton E. Schonbach und 
B. Seufïert, p. 106). Henry of Saltrey had used the St. Patrick story 
some years before Marie de France. Etienne de Bourbon (See his 
Anecdotes historiques, Légendes et Apologues, éd. A. Lecoy de la Marche, 23, 
p. 30), was a nrm believer in Purgatory. The biographers of St. Patrick 
do not conceive of Purgatory as a,separate institution, but as Hell in- 
habited for a limited period, a very common conception in the Middle 
Ages (Grazer Studien, p. 37). Of the other writers, it will be noted that 
they are nearly ail later than the date we are concerned with. It would 
seem wise, then, to qualify Schiavo's statement and conclude that the 
idea of Purgatory was not foreign to the Mediaeval mind, but was slow 
in making a gênerai impression. The same conclusion is pointed to by 
the fact that lay purgatorial societies, associations for the saying of 
masses for the soûls of the deceased members, became very fréquent, but 
were rare or non-existent till well into the thirteenth century. 17 But cléri- 
cal organizations of this character had corne earlier, the dogma was a 
familiar one with the Church, and our poet was a Churchman. The 
only conclusion is that he grants to knights, God's favorites, spécial 
exemption from an otherwise universal penance. One of the most offen- 
sive tenets of the Albigenses and the Vaudois was their disavowal of 
the Purgatory dogma, which disavowal would not hâve been so strongly 
insisted on or so frantically punished if it had not been a very definite 
Church doctrine. 

Conf erring the Order of Knighthood on one who is unworthy, accord- 
ing to Hugues, is like covering a fumier with a silk cloth and expecting 
the gay disguise to hide its foui odor. It is very much the figure used 
by Karl Bartsch (Gesammelte Vortràge und Aufsàtze, VII: Die Formen 

17 Catholic Cyclopedia, s.v. Purgatory. 

l'ordene de chevalerie 27 

des geselligen Lebens im Mittelalter, p. 222) in his contention that the 
veneer of chivalry spread over Mediaeval society only covered a little 
of its inner rottenness. It is perfectly easy to see what brought this 
comparison to our poet's mind, and la ter to Bartsch's; the same prac- 
tice, namely, which suggested to the author of the vulgar mock-epic 
Audigier (Barbazon-Méon, IV, 217) his account of the travestied knight- 
ing of the hero on a dung-hill. In the Etablissements de St. Louis, II, 
252, CXXXIV, appears the régulation, " Se aucuns hom estoit chevaliers, 
et ne fust pas gentis hom de parage, tout le fust il de par sa mère, si ne 
le porroit il estre par droit; ainz le porroit prandre li rois ou li bers en 
qui chastelerie ce seroit, et (li feroit) droit ses espérons tranchier sus 
I femier. ..." The fumier played a part in ail cérémonies of dégra- 
dation of a knight, and thus came naturally into the mind of anyone who 
thought of unworthiness for knighthood. 


The earlier students of the Ordene de Chevalerie, Barbazon, Méon, 
Daunou (Discours sur l'état des lettres en France au 13e siècle, Hist. Lit., 
XVI, 220), assume that it was written by Hugues de Tabarie himself. 
He might possibly hâve been able to compose such a poem if he had chosen 
to do so, since many of the Frankish nobility of that day in Syria were 
men of some éducation, and since verse making was by no means lightly 
esteemed among the upper classes in the génération of the Royal poet 
Richard Coeur-de-Lion; but it is clear enough that Saladin's captive 
would scarcely hâve described the affair so inaccurately, and that he 
certainly would not hâve made it the occasion of a religious homily, 
which is what the poem amounts to. A. Duval is right (Hist. Lit., 
XVIII, 752), in assuming the author to hâve been a clerk. Line 422 
is enough in itself to exclude the possibility of his having been a knight. 
There is of course nothing in the contention of Le Grand (Fabliaux I, 
214), that the use of the word paienie to désigna te the Saracen dominions 
shows ignorance of the East, since the word was frequently employed 
by Christians résident in Syria, and even occurs in the Assises de Jérusa- 
lem (II, p. 161), as the officiai désignation of non-Christian territory: 
but a person writing from first-hand knowledge of the circumstances 
would scarcely hâve left the implication that the "chevaliers de Galilée" 
were the entire Christian force, or that Hugues was their commander, 
unless he were purposely mis-stating the facts. Evidence in the same 
direction may be the author's statement that his story is based on " Un 
conte k'ai oï conter." Freymond (Zeitschrift fiir Romanische Philo- 
logie, VI, 1882, p. 198) concludes from the poverty of the rhymes that 
the author was a man of no great éducation. It is évident that he was 
not a great poet, certainly; but the frequency of Biblical réminiscence, 
the Latin citations, and the constant preacher-tone, point almost unmis- 
takably to a clérical author. 

Of earlier literature, the influence of Chrétien's Perceval on the 
Ordene is unmistakable. Chrétien has a very clear conception of knight- 
hood as membership in a society whose members hâve certain very 
definite obligations. As far as I hâve been able to discover, no French 
poet before Chrétien had developed this conception, and no one handled 
it in détail till our poet took it up again, in phrases which repeatedly are 
almost Chrétien's own (Perc. 543: "Biax nlz as prodomes parlez"; Ord. 


chev. 1; "Bon fait a preudomme parler." — Perc. 513 ff.: "Se vos trovez 
ne près ne loing Dame qui d'aie ait besoing Ne pucele desconselliee La 
vostre aie aparelliee Lor soit s'eles vos en requièrent Que totes enors i 
afférent"; Ord. chev. 268 ff.: "Dame ne doit ne damoisele Pour nule rien 
fourconsillier; Mais s'eles ont de lui mestier Aidier leur doit a son pooir 
Se il veut los et pris avoir. " Perc, 1633 ff., 6427 ff.; Ord. chev. 268 ff.— 
Perc. 1379; Ord. chev., l.—Perc. 1610 ff.; Ord. chev., 466 ff.— Perc. 6420; 
Ord. chev., 463, etc.). 

Two prose adaptations of the poem are known, both of them from 
the thirteenth century. One is to be found in the same MS. with our 
version N. This adaptation was translated into modem French by 
Marin, who believed it, and not the poem, to be the older form of the 
story. Groeber reckons the prose version to be "erheblich jiïnger," 
but as I hâve shown elsewhere, this MS. was copied before the middle 
of the century, so that the différence in date between poem and prose 
re-telling could not hâve been great. In this account, Hugues is given 
only one year to collect his ransom, instead of two, as in the poem; the 
interview occurs in a tent instead of a room; Hugues is obsequiously 
polite and flattering in his manner of addressing Saladin; it is stated 
specifically that the Sultan's hair and beard are not shaved off, but only 
dressed; the two robes are put on Saladin while he is still in bed, and 
Hugues "li torne les gambes hors du Ht" to draw on his cauces. The 
story ends abruptly, without a formai conclusion. 

The other prose version is described in the Bulletin de la Société des 
Anciens Textes Français, Onzième Année, 1885, as occurring in MS. 772 
of the Bibliothèque Municipale of Lyons. The language is Picard- 
Vermandois, and the MS. is dated in the second half of the thirteenth 

Possibly within the thirteenth century, and certainly not later than 
the beginning of the fourteenth, cornes the interesting Dutch translation 
by Henri van Aken, curé of a parish near Louvain. This verse transla- 
tion, written in an eight-line stanza rhyming abababab, — some of the 
stanzas are incomplète, — has 275 Unes, and follows the original with 
considérable fidelity; but hère Saladin asks Hugues to make a bona fide 
knight of him, not merely to show him how knights are made; and hère 
there are 24 almiraux, instead of 50. 

A version of the story appears in Borghini's collection of the Cento 
novélle antiche. Some of the stories in this collection seem to go back 
to the thirteenth century. But Borghini himself dates this particular 

30 l'ordene de chevalerie 

story later than 1300. Biagi, Le Novette antichi, XXV, believes this 
version to hâve been copied from the one in V Awenturoso Ciciliano of 
Bosone da Gubbio, but this is impossible. A retelling of the Bosone da 
Gubbio version could not hâve resulted in what is practically a transla- 
tion of the French version, whereas the story as Bosone da Gubbio tells 
it involves différent characters and a totally différent setting. The 
copying must hâve been the other way around. In the Borghini account 
Saladin is clothed in a robe of white silk, and with brown shoes of saie 
or silk, is girded with a sword whose edges symbolize uprightness and 
loyalty, and is instructed in the four principal duties of the knight, 
which are (a) to avoid ail places where false judgments are rendered or 
treasonable conversation indulged in; (b) to treat ladies well; (c) to be 
abstinent; (d) to give at mass, his means if he hâve means, his heart in 
any case. 

Bosone da Gubbio, the friend of Dante, was born about 1280 and 
died before 1350, but since it is now considered very unlikely that he 
wrote, either in the year 1311 (Guiseppe Mazzatinti, Bosone da Gubbio, 
in Studj di Filologia Romanza, I, 281), or in any other year, the inchoate 
romance which was so long imputed to him, there is little profit in study- 
ing his life in connection with it. There is, moreover, manuscript évi- 
dence that the story, by whomsoever written, appeared before the end 
of the fourteenth century (Isodoro dal Lungo, Dino Compagni e la sua 
cronica, Volume primo, parte seconda, p. 1040). This form of the story 
harks back, not necessarily to our poem, as Dunlop thought, but cer- 
tainly to the Barbazan-Méon prose version. The rôle of Hugues is hère 
assumed by Messer Ulivo di Fontana, a Sicilian nobleman who goes East 
and becomes captain of the army of the King of Armenia. Taken prison- 
er by the Sultan of Babylon (confusion with Bagdad), he wins that 
satrap by his prowess in a tournament, and is offered his liberty for a 
large ransom. In connection with the discussion of his provisional 
release to secure the ransom, mention is made of the pleasant relations 
of another Christian, "il quale era appellato Franciesco," with a pre- 
decessor of the Sultan's. It is an historical fact that St. Francis of 
Assisi went to Egypt in 1219, and there are legends of his friendship with 
Malec-el-Kamel, Sultan of that country. — Then cornes the knighting 
of the Sultan, which corresponds closely to that in the Cento novelle. 
As the story is told hère, however, Ulivo at first refuses to give his captor 
the accolade, but finally relents and does so. The ceremony perf ormed 
and the release secured, the Sicilian rides away to his country "lieto e 

l'okdene de chevalerie 31 

giojoso," in curious contrast to the Hugues of our poem, who is "plus 
dolans que nus" on account of the fellow countrymen whom he has been 
compelled to leave behind in captivity. 

The story of the knighting of Saladin by Hugues had been told 
with considérable fidelity, though summarily, by the unknown author 
of the Pas Saladin, which E. Lodemann, (Modem Language Notes, XII, 
1897, col. 276), believes to hâve been written not later than the beginning 
of the fourteenth century. The Pas Saladin, as well as Victor Le Clerc, 
who discusses it in Eist. Lit. XXIII, 491, is inaccurate in stating that 
Saladin remitted Hugues' ransom as payment for initiation into the 
knightly Order. — The story is said to be retold in the second part of the 
fifteenth century romance, Jean d'Avesnes. 

No. XLIV of the Novelle of Anton Francesco Doni, written in the 
middle of the sixteenth century, is entitled "Cortesia del Saladino al 
principe di Galilea," and runs very much like a free translation of the 
prose version in the Lyons MS. In this account, Hugues buckles on 
only one spur instead of both. In various old monuments the statement 
occurs that the patron was expected to attach only the right spur. 

In 1758 Marin printed the poem at the end of his Histoire de Saladin. 
According to Barbazan, he printed it from a copy secured for him by 
Ste. Palaye, but made by an incompétent copyist who was guilty of 
numerous blunders. Marin's prose translation of the poem is reprinted 
in the Nott édition of V Awenturoso Ciciliano, pp. 439 fi*. The translation 
follows MS. N. It has some errors which are due to the copyist, and 
some others which are misinterpretations of the text. Interesting détails 
are the translation of Preudome by chevalier, and the statement that it 
is only during Holy Week that the knight is required to fast on Friday. 
This translation, at least as printed by Nott, ends with the story proper 
and dispenses with the moral. 

In 1759 appeared Barbazan's text and commentary, in a little volume 
of Contes Anciens. Barbazan used MS. P for the most part, but corrected 
from N. This volume is erroneously stated by Ellis (Caxton's transla- 
tion of LulPs Order of Chivalry, William Morris reprint, p. 148) to hâve 
been the first printing of the poem. 

The first édition of Le Grand d'Aussy's Fabliaux ou Contes; Fables et 
Romans du XII e et du XIII e siècle, was published in 1779. Volume I 
of this collection contains an abbreviated prose translation of our poem, 
with notes. The dependableness of this translation may be inferred 
from the détail that this translater understood the passage 346 fi", to mean 


that the contributions of the Saracen leaders for Hugues' ransom lacked 
13,000 besants of reaching the necessary amount, and that Saladin him- 
self made up this deficiency; whereas the meaning is evidently that the 
ransom was oversubscribed by 13,000 (in our text 10,000) besants, and 
that Saladin made Hugues a présent of this surplus in cash. 

The Barbazan-Méon collection of Fabliaux et Contes des poètes fran- 
çais des XI, XII, XIII, XIV, et XV e siècles, in four volumes, is dated 
1808. Our poem occupies the place of honor in the first volume. Méon 
knew MS. D, which Barbazan had not used, and is thus the first to make 
use of this most dependable of the MSS., but he changes the old Bar- 
bazan version very little. 

A. Duval (Hist. Lit., XVIII, 752) prints a large part of the poem, 
but it is clear that he has not gone back of the Barbazan-Méon version. 
He corrects a typographical error or two contained in their version, 
but makes a number of mistakes which neither his copy nor any one of 
the MSS. is responsible for. 

L. Gautier, La Chevalerie, pp. 291 ff., retells the story of our poem 
on the basis, as he says, of a critical text of it prepared for him by E. 
Langlois. This text must hâve been made only from the three MSS. 
in the Bibliothèque Nationale. Gautier is mistaken in believing that 
Barbazan knew only one MS. He has also confused the two prose 

The story is retold in détail, with a partial translation, by Lacroix, 
La Vie militaire et religieuse au Moyen Age, 1873. 

The reprint of Caxton's retranslation from the fifteenth century 
French translation of Ramon Lull's Libre del orde d'Cavayleria, published 
in 1894 by William Morris and edited by F. S. Ellis, who, curiously 
enough, does not know that he is editing a retranslation, is very appro- 
priately followed in the same volume by Morris' verse translation of our 
poem, made from the Barbazan-Méon text. It is very pretty, but there are 
occasional mistakes as to the meaning, due largely to lack of familiarity 
with Old French inflections. Once at least, Morris has blunted a very 
clever touch of the original. He translates 1. 339, " Car ne voel pas c'a 
moi f aillies, " " By me thou shalt not fail therein. " Marin kept the joke 
by translating " car je ne veux point que vous manquiez de me payer. " — 
More nearly accurate than Morris' translation is the prose rendering by 
Isabel Butler, in her Taies from the Old French, 1910. 

Brune t, Manuel du Libraire, III, 233 and V, 1514, mentions the 
Histoire van Sultan Saladin, Hugo van Tiberias, und der Ritter Esawangz, 

l'ordene de chevalerie 33 

described as "Poème romanesque, en stances de huit vers. C'est un 
livre fort rare, qui a été imprimé vers 1480, par Jean de Keyzère (Jean 
de Caesaris) à Audenarde." I hâve never seen this work. 

The Ordene de Chevalerie was followed by several discussions of the 
symbolism of the knight's ordination which probably owe something of 
their Une of development, directly or indirectly, to its influence. About 
the middle of the thirteenth century cornes L'Enseignement des Princes, 
by Robert de Blois, whose account of the significance of each détail in 
the arming of the knight I hâve discussed elsewhere. Toward the end 
of the same century we hâve Ramon Lull's Orde. A génération or so 
later, Don Juan Manuel, nephew of King Alfonso, wrote El Libro del 
Cauallero et del Escudero, on the model of Lull's treatise, and a century 
later still appeared Tirant lo Blanch by Johanot Martorell, a Catalan 
imitation of Lull. 


It seems reasonably certain that our original poem dates from very 
early in the thirteenth century, although ail the known MSS. are some- 
what later. 

D. Paris, Bib. nat. fr. 1553, fo. 410vo-413. Ane. 7595. Constans, 
in the Zêitschrift fur Romanische Philologie VIII, p. 24, dated this MS. 
between 1258 and 1296. Paul Meyer found in fol. 323vo., the date et iiijxx. et quatre, el moys de février (Le., February, 1284). This 
MS. seems to hâve been unknown to Barbazan, but was used by Méon 
in his revision of the Barbazan version. It is 479 Unes long, and is 
written in the Picard dialect. Its treatment of c, in conjunction with 
that of ë, throws it to the far North, east of St. Orner and north of St. 
Quentin and Mézières (Groeber's Grundriss, 1/2, 764). The absence of 
h from anter, 4, points in the same direction. This spelling is fréquent 
in Picard and Flemish texts of this period (See T. Atkinson Jenkins, 
Modem Philology X, 1912-13, p. 446, and the références cited by him 
there). Its réduction of iei to i restricts it to the territory west of 
Mézières {Grundriss, Map XII). The form Orde of the title would 
throw it well toward Walloon territory (A. Horning, Zêitschrift fiir 
Romanische Philologie, XV, 1891, p. 496; M. Wilmotte, Romania, XVII, 
1888, 565). This MS. has more nearly the form of the original than 
either of the others. 

N. Paris, Bib. nat. fr. 25,462, fo. 150-158vo. (Notre Dame 272). — 
Barbazan called it No. 7 de l'Eglise de Paris, and used it principally 
for his version. His account of its history will be found in the Barbazan- 
Méon collection, I, p. v. The same MS. contains one of the earliest 
prose versions of the poem, and in this prose version occurs the con- 
traction jes, which Gengnagel {Die Kiïrzung der Pronomina hinter 
vokalischem Auslaut im Afrz.) could not find later than the Chevalier as 
deus espees, in the first half of the thirteenth century. In the poem occurs 
the form sel, which Gengnagel finds in Philippe Mousket (1243), but 
consider an archaism. — This MS. is Picard, also. Its failure to develop 
checked ë to te would seem to throw it south of the St. Orner- St. Quentin- 
Mézières line (Groeber's Grundriss, 1/2, p. 764). Its dissimilation of 
esporon to esperon confirais this location. This MS. has 496 Unes. 

P. Bib. nat. fr. 837fo. 152-154vo., formerly anc. 7,218. Discussed 
by Raynaud, Romania IX, 1880, p. 222, and XXI, 1892, p. 146; by F. A. 

l'ordene de chevalerie 35 

Wulfï, Romania XIV, 348, and by Paulin Paris, MSS. Français de la 
Bibliothèque du Roi, VI, 1845, 404-16. It was used somewhat by Bar- 
bazan, and more extensively by Méon in his revision. Wulfï notes that 
most of the titles in this MS. hâve been erased and altered, which seems 
to be true of the title of this poem. Raynouard and Paulin Paris both 
date it toward the end of the thirteenth century, but the fréquent occur- 
rence of enclitic personal pronoun objects might throw it a little earlier. 
Its dialect is Francien, but it shows several peculiarities (-ngn-, -aisse), 
which would seem to indicate a location somewhat to the east of the 
Ile-de-France région. It has the Picard rhyme esfors; cors, independently 
of the others. — 492 lines. 

H. Brit. Mus. Harleian 4,333, f. 115-117. Described by Paul Meyer, 
Romania, 1872, 206 fi*., and in the Catalogue of Romances in the British 
Muséum, III, 545. Meyer says it was written in the second half of the 
thirteenth century, but the entire disappearance of enclisis of personal 
pronoun objects and the frequency of such prétérit forms as fit, dit, 
seem to indicate rather the beginning of the 14th. Its avoidance of the 
title biaus sire, which occurs in ail the above MSS., would also indicate 
a later date. Its dialect is Champenois. — 380 lines. 

C. Cambridge, GC 6.38, fo. 8vo— 15. Described by P. Meyer, 
Romania XV, 1886, 343 fi\, as Cambridge G.g., 6.28, which is probably 
an error. Its dialect is Anglo-Norman. The fréquent occurrence of 
the form graunt, which Stiirzinger, Orthographica Gallica, 39 (quoted E. 
Busch, Laut- und Formenlehre der Anglonormannischen Sprache des 
XIV. Jahrhunderts, 13), did not find before the year 1266, would set 
that date as approximately its terminus a quo, and the gênerai appearance 
of qu as k, which Stiirzinger and Busch find disappearing very shortly 
after the beginning of the 14th century, furnishes the terminus ad quem. 
Paul Meyer dated it about 1300. — The second plural verb ending in 
-t is found rhyming with a third singular, which disproves Menger's 
assertion (The Anglo-Norman Dialect, pp. 96 and 122) that this spelling 
is entirely graphie. The confusion of il and ou would indicate a location 
in the North of England. The MS. was left unfinished by the first 
scribe, and was completed by another, from the same part of England, 
but whose spelling is slightly différent. — 398 fines. 

X. Private library of Sir Thomas Phillips, Cheltenham, 8336. Des- 
cribed by P. Meyer, Romania XIII, 1894, 497 ff. This MS. is Anglo- 
Norman also, but as ou and French U are not conf used as in C, it is likely 
that it was written in the South of England. It has ceo as a demonstra- 

36 l'ordene de chevalerie 

tive adjective, which according to Menger {op. cit., 117) indicates a 
comparatively late date. Meyer dates it in the first half of the 14th 
century. — 378 lines. 

Groeber's Grundriss, II/l, 709, mentions a MS. to be found in the 
Municipal Library of Metz, No. 855, fo. 11, but I hâve not been able 
to secure access to it. 

Note 3 to G. Paris, La Légende de Saladin, Journal des Savants, 
May, 1893, 290, stating that another MS. of the poem may be found in 
the Bibliothèque Nationale under the number Bib. nat. fr. 24,432, fol. 
29, is a mistake, as I hâve found by application to that library. 

The gênerai relationship of the MSS. is reasonably clear, but a 
grouping which takes account of every minor détail of évidence seems 
impossible. The poem must hâve been copied many times, and the 
number of MSS. which we possess today is relatively too small to build 
on with anything like certainty. 

It is easily established, however, that D is the représentative of one 
group which is fairly well separated from NPHCX. In 11. 3-5, 15-16, 
25, 46, and some fifty other instances, the readings of the two branches 
are so totally différent as to establish this division beyond a doubt. I 
hâve therefore given D equal weight with the entire group of the others, 
and in view of the additional facts that D tells the story more con- 
sistently than the others and is nearest the original in geographical 
location, I hâve, when other considérations seemed equal, even given D 
the préférence. 

Within the second group, NPH form a secondary group, whose 
members agrée in readings which appear nowhere else, in 1. 56 {Et preu- 
doms NPH, Nest hom D, Si vous C, nul X), 72 {A tant NPH, Dont D, 
Lors CX), 279 {Aidier leur doit a son pooir NPH, Om D, totally différent 
line CX), 288 (jhesu NPH, chelui D, deu C, totally différent lineX), 373 
{comte NPH, prinche D, om CX), etc., etc., besides a long list of cases in 
which NPH agrée with D, but differ from C and X. 

X may easily hâve corne from C. It shows no déviations from C 
which agrée so well with the other MSS. as to indicate any direct knowl- 
edge of them on the part of the Anglo-Norman scribe. It has con- 
sidérable new matter, which may easily hâve been invented by the scribe. 

But in connection with this gênerai grouping it must be noted that: 
DN hâve in common, where ail others differ, 64 {reuenres DN, tenez PH, 
créez CX), 131 {chou senefie DN, cis lis senefie PHCX), and several other 

l'ordene de chevalerie 


cases none of which are décisive but ail of which can scarcely be treated 
as coincidences. 

DP hâve in common, where ail others differ, 51 (avoir ne les DP, 
ataindre ni NHCX), 155 (espandre DP, donner NPHCX), and elsewhere. 

DH hâve in common, where ail others differ, 106 (precisier DH, 
enseignier NPC, apariler X), and possibly one or two others. 

DC hâve in common, where ail others differ, 180 (netement DC, fer- 
mement NH, saintement P, en chasteté X), 183 (sa char DC, son cors NP, 
om X), and perhaps others. 

NH hâve in common, where ail other differ, 50 (conterois NH, don- 
rois D, querrois PCX), 122 (Et estre plains de courtoisie NH, ail other 
MSS. totally différent reading), and some twenty other cases. 

PH hâve in common, where ail others differ, 64 (que vous tenez PH, 
que revenres DN, que vous créez CX), 146 (honor PH, deu DNCX), and 
possibly another or two. 

The probable relationship of the MSS. then, might be represented 
by the following diagram: 


38 l'ordene de chevalerie 

in which Arabie numerals represent hypothetical MSS. and the dotted 
Unes indicate that four of the known MSS. show more than one influence. 
The number of MSS. was certainly much gréa ter than the minimum 
suggested by the above scheme. 


Tonic Vowels: 

l.-a: Ail MSS. hâve -âge in damage: oltrage, 23, 24, and corage: 
eage, 197, 8. isniaus: chevaus, 189, 90, seems to be an unusual liberty 
in rhyme: Tobler, Le Vers français, p. 163. 

2-a+N+Cons. DNPH hâve enfecons (enfechons), 1. 117. I hâve 
found this form elsewhere only in Picard and Walloon texts. See 
Zeitschrift fiir Romanische Philologie, XXV, 1901, 757 f. espandre: 
défendre, 155, 6. This is the only rhyme in the poem indicating con- 
fusion of -an and -en. By the thirteenth century this confusion had 
become fréquent even in Picard (Helfenbein, Zeitschrift fiir Romanische 
Philologie, 1911, 315). Suchier (Voyelles toniques, 40) finds such a con- 
fusion in the Anglo-Norman as early as Wace. But I believe that 
espandre may in some cases <expendere rather than expandere, which 
would dispose of the difnculty in some instances. 

3-e-\-N+Cons. raemhreiataindre D, 47,8. Suchier (Voyelles 
toniques, 44) finds ain: en in Ben. Chronique and the Jeu d'Adam. The 
other Mss. hâve raembre .rendre or .-prendre. 

4-e does not rhyme with ç or with ai. 

S-e. The form De is assured by rhyme, 127, 8 and 431,2. Lie 
<laetus:-ië, 355, 6. 

6.-e+ i>i. église: justice 425, 6; nices: calices, 429, 30. 

7.-Rhymes in in are pure. 

8.-Q and o are kept distinct. 

9 -ai never rhymes with e. No rhymes in ei. None of eil with 
ail. Pais is a dissyllable, as is shown by meter in several cases, also by 
:quis, 381, 2. (Nyrop, Grammaire Historique, 1/2, 275, Rem.) Mss. 
PCX often write e for ai. 

10-ain. See 3. 

ll.-ie-\-n. bien :tien, 39, 40. The study of a large number of 
monuments has seemed to indicate that -iein=-ien instead of -in, is a 
characteristic of the far North. 

12.-Bartsch's law is observed. lie<laetus:commenchiê, 335, 6. 
chevaliers xhiers, 437, 8. The form giê is secured by xongiê, 71, 2. 

13. -ie for iée. chevalerie: emploie (past part.) 85, 6. folie: sachie, 
231, 2. DNPC hâve cauchies '.délies, 159, 60; thèse must be the reduced 
forms, since the construction demands féminines. 


14 -eu < q has not appeared. iourisignour, 283,4. 

15 -oi<ï:oi<oria. noire .'mémoire, 161, 2. 
16.-«e. hom:Salemon, 7 , 8. preudom:don, 309.10. 

Pretonic Vowels: 

About 200 of the rhymes are only suffisantes, and the few léonine 
rhymes which do appear furnish us no information. The following are 
the results when two Latin vowels corne together: 

1.-0+ vowel. raënchon, 57, 67, 329, 348. païs,303, 400. deffaêe, 

2.-e+ vowel. eussent, 34. creàngiê, 71. peiist, 92. ge#, 137. fleés, 
208. seoir, 307, 8. poignets, 313. déistes, 327. repreïst, 362. ews/, 
368. seiirement, 460. But ew monosyllabic, 298. — This tendency is in- 
teresting in view of the fact that Suchier (Auc. et Nie, p. 74, 22) finds 
e under thèse circumstances becoming mute earher in the North and 
East than in the Ile-de France région. This would hint at an earlier 
date for our poem than that of Aucassin et Nicolette. 

3.-i-j-vowel. m'afierés Fut. 5, trisyllable, 63. merchiër trisyllable 
325, oublier trisyllable 326. 

4.-0+vowel. oï, 16. oïr, 236. oïl, 242. pooii, 287. pooir, 445,454. 

5.-#+ vowel. juïse, 228. But puist monosyllable, 184. 
Syllabic Value of Mute e: 

1- -ent, third plural présent, has syllable value, fisent, 22; eussent, 
34, etc. 

2 -Atonie e between consonants in a word regularly has syllabic 
value. The characteristic Northern forms prenderai, 47, and perderoit, 
411, are assured by meter. Ordene, 85, is a dissyllable (Tobler, Vers 
français, 38; G. Paris, Etude sur le rôle de V accent latin, 24 ff.) 

Prosthetic e has developed in estant, 174, espouron, 187, 192, 195, 
and especiaus, 257. This would exclude the poem from Northeastern 

l.-»\ 11, 88, 99, 263 (ni), 432. No cases of ne remaining before a 

2.-qu\ 16, 26, 73, 92, 132, etc., (21 instances), que, conjunction, 
remains before a vowel, 43, 58, 430, 488. que, relative pronoun, re- 
mains before a vowel, 230. 

3 -s'. (a)<Latin si: 10, 260, 270, 292. (b) <sic: 36, 376. si 
(se) Ksi: 90, 272, 285, 287, 461. (b) <sic: 116, 298, 373, 399, 404. 

4.-/. 48. ion: 97, 343. 


5. -c\ chest, 217, 237, 457. No instances where it is left unelided. 

6.-5'. (féminine possessive) :231. 

l.-Of the article le (les) : el, 137, 220, 394; as, 371, 308, 486. 

2.-Of the pronoun le: jel, 84; nel, 93, 136, 141, etc. 
Est loses its vowel after ki:kist, 33. Gengnagel, (Die Kiirzung der Pro- 
nomina, p. 31), finds no such contractions after the 13th century. 

1- -r: -m, showing that the -n has lost its pronunciation value, in 
31, 2 (iorxreator), and in 283, 4 (iour:Signour). 

2. - -m: -n, in 7, 8; 309,10; 329,30; 471,2. donne:somme, 153, 4, 
is assonance, not rhyme. See Tobler Le Vers français, p. 150; Birch- 
Hirschfeld, Sage vont Graal, p. 112. 

3.-mbr: ndr. raiembre: rendre, 47,8. Since the -m and -n are so 
frequently identified in this poem, the only dimculty in the way of the 
rhyme is furnished by the intercalated d and b, which were probably 
lacking in the Picard original. 

4-c (ch). blanche (Picard blanke): senefianehe, 221, 2, and nices 
(Picard niches) '.calices, 429, 30, are "Zwitterreime," which are very 
common in Picard. 

5. — s for -2, a Picard peculiarity, is assured by rhyme in several 
cases, lenfecons'.fons (< fontes), 117, 8; repos :sos, 135, 6; dis (pi. of dit 
<dictu): mis, 219, 20; rois, drois, 331,2; nus: venus, 399, 400; brebis: 
paradis, 409, 10 (the last practically a Picard rhyme, since the form is 
commonly berbiz outside of Picard territory). Mss. DNP agrée on 
Us, not Hz, 135; on férus, 281; on mons<mundus, 421. 

6 -s for Picard ch. église :justise, 425, 6. justitia common\y>justiche 
in Picard. But justisexglise, exactly as hère, in Carité, XL, 6, and sev- 
eral times in Gui de Cambrai. 

7.-#/+consonant loses its 1. nusivenus, 299, 400. 


1. -Possessives: The Picard form vo occurs, assured by me ter, in 
67, 87, 178, 179, 227, 250; no appears in 281 and 424. 

2.-Demonstratives: The longer forms occur, icel, 21, iceli, 279. 
But the forms without i- are more fréquent, chele, 77, cis, 115, etc. 

3. -Personal pronouns: The féminine accusative form is le, 244, in 
ail Mss. but H. 

42 l'ordene de chevalerie 

4-Relative pronouns: k'en, 17, may be a case of elision of i, which 
was occasional in Old French; or it may be an example of the replacing 
of qui by que as a nominative relative, which De Jong (Die Relativ-und 
Interrogativpronomina qui und qualis im Afrz., pp. 36, etc.) found to 
be common in Picard- Walloon. The Anglo-Norman Mss. do not show 
this elision, which agrées with De Jong's findings. (Ibid., p. 33). 

5.-Verbs: The first singular of tenir has no -g; tien:bien, 39, 40. The 
first singular of promettre has no -s: Promet;Mohammet, 41,2. The 
third singular perfect of r es pondre has no -/: chi, 61,2. The first singular 
présent of dire is di: venredi, 277, 8. 

The first plural donron without s, is assured by .'prison, 249, 50. 
Nyrop (Gram. Hist., II, 54, Rem. 2) says this form is more common in 
the dialects of the West, but I find it several times in the Bible de Sapience 
of Herman de Valenciennes, assured by rhyme. 

Puisso(u)mes, 484, is assured bymeter. Neither Aucassin at Nico- 
lette nor the Rendus has this form, but Baudouin de Condé has it as 
late as the 14th century. Nyrop II, 54, finds it regular in the far North. 

Subjunctives. The form aille, which does not become fréquent 
till late, is assured by rhyme, 313, 4. But since the corresponding third 
plural is found as early as Saint Bernard, the occurrence of this form 
proves nothing as to date. 

7. -The nominative -s is retained in rois-, donrois, 49, 50, and in cheva- 
lier s volontiers, 81, 2. 
Additional Notes on Language: 

l.-The past participle with avoir agrées with a direct object either 
preceding (159, 60; 243, 4; 363, 4) or following (203; 204, 5; 387, 8). 
(But there is not agreement with preceding relative pronoun object in 

2. -The oblique case-form appears for the genitive in table Diu, 294, 
table De, 431, sacrement le fil Marie, 450. (But we hâve De Dieu, 233). 
Westholm, Étude historique sur la construction du type 'Lifils le rei',p. 
24, finds this construction becoming infrequent by the 13th century. 

3-donne: somme, 153, 4. Birch-Hirschfeld, Sage vom Graal, p. 112, 
thinks assonance was more fréquent in Picard than elsewhere. The 
example used by Tobler, Le Vers français, p. 112, is from Baudouin de 
Condé, a neighbor of our poet. 

A.-garde: garde, 5, 6. Our poet is driven to making a word rhyme 
with itself with identical meaning and construction. 

S-Biaus sire, 83, has not yet the sarcastic tone which Stowell (Titles 


of Address, s.v.) finds gênerai in the 13th century, and which it clearly 
has in the Besant Dieu of Guillaume le Clerc, (Ed. E. Martin, 1. 447) as 
early as 1227. 

It is likely, more particularly on the basis of the rhyme bienUien 
39, 40 (See under tonic vowels, above, 11) and the first plural puisso(u)- 
mes, 484, (See under inflection, above, 5), that our author was North 
Picard. This fits well with his glorification of a hero whose family 
came from St. Orner. The serious use of biaus sire, 83, the frequency 
of the appearance of the oblique case-form without préposition for the 
genitive, and the persistence of e before another vowel, point to a date 
not la ter than the very early 13th century. 


1 Bon fait a preudomme parler, 
Car on i puet molt conquester 
De sens, de bien, de cortoisie. 
Bon fait anter lor compaignie; 
5 Ki a lor fais velt prendre garde 
Ja de folie n'aroit garde; 
Car on le trêve en Salemon 
Que tout adiés fait sages hom 
Toutes ses oevres sagement. 

10 Et s'il auchune fois mesprent 
N'est pas sages en mesprendant 
Quant a folie va tornant. 
Tout chou me convient trespasser, 
Mais des or me convient conter 

15 Et amoier et atorner 
Un conte k'ai oï conter 
D'un roi k'en terre paienie 
Fu jadis de grant signorie 
Et molt fu loiaus Sarrasins: 

20 II ot a non Salehadins. 
A icel tans de che bon roi 
Fisent aus gens de nostre loi 
Sarrasin souvent grant damage 
Par lor orgueil, par lor outrage; 

25 Tant que par aventure avint 

Qu'en la bataille uns prinches vint: 
Hues ot non de Tabarie. 
Od lui ot molt grant compaignie 
Des chevaliers de Galilée, 

30 Car sires ert de la contrée. 
Assés fisent d'armes le ior, 
Mais il ne plot au Creator 
Ki'st apielés li rois de gloire 
Que li nostre eussent victoire, 

35 Car la fu pris li prinches Hues, 
S'en fu menés parmi les rues 

l'ordene de chevalerie 45 

Tout droit devant Salehadin. 

Il le salue en son latin, 

Car il le connissoit molt bien: 
40 "Hues, molt sui lies quant vous tien, 

Chou dist li rois, par Mahommet, 

Et une cose vous promet: 

Que il vous convenra morir, 

Ou a grant raënchon venir. " 
45 Li prinches Hues respondi, 

"Puis que m'avés le giu parti, 

Je prenderai dont le raiembre 

Se j'ai de coi le puisse rendre." 

"Oïl, che li a dit li rois, 
50 Cent mile besans me donrois." 

"Ha, Sire, avoir ne les poroie, 

Se toute ma terre vendoie." — 

"Si ferés bien." — "Sire, comment?" — 

"Vous estes de grant hardement 
55 Et plains de grant chevalerie, 

Et preudons n'escondira mie 

Se rouvés por vo raënchon, 

Que il ne vous doinst un biel don. 

Ensi vous pores aquiter." 
60 "Or vous voel iou dont demander 

Comment jou partirai de chi." 

Salehadins li respondi: 

"Hues, vous le m'afiërés 

Sor vo loi que chi revenrés 
65 Et desor le vostre creanche, 

Ke d'ui en deux ans sans faillanche 

Ares rendu vo raënchon 

U vous revenrés emprison. 

Ensi pores partir de chi." 
70 "Sire, fait il, vostre merchi; 

Tout ensi le vous creangié. " 

Dont a demandé le congié, 

Caler s'en velt en son pais; 

Mais li rois l'a par la main pris, 
75 Dedens sa cambre le mena, 

46 l'ordene de chevalerie 

Et molt douchement li pria. 
"Hues, fait il, par chele foi 
Que tu dois au diu de te loi, 
Fai moi sage dont; j'ai talent 
80 De savoir trestout Ferrement, 
Car ie saroie volentiers 
Comment on fait les chevaliers." 
"Biaus sire, fait il, non ferai." 
"Pour coi?" — "Sire, jel vous dirai. 
85 Sainte ordene de chevalerie 
Seroit en vous mal emploie, 
Car vous estes viex en vo loy 
Si n'avés baptesme ne foy, 
Et grant folie entreprendroie 
90 Se un fumier de dras de soie 
Voloie vestir et couvrir, 
K'il ne peust jamais puïr. 
A nul fuer faire nel poroie, 
Et tout ensement mesprendroie 
95 Se sour vous metoie tel ordre. 
Je ne m'i oseroie amordre, 
Car iou en seroie blasmés." 
"Ha, Hues, fait il, non serés. 
H n'i at pont de mesproison, 

100 Car ie vous tien en ma prison 
Si vous convient mon voloir faire, 
Mais que bien vous doie desplaire." 
"Sire, puis que faire l'estuet, 
Et nus consaus valoir ne puet, 

105 Si le ferai tout sans dangier." 
Lors li commenche a precisier 
Tout chou que il li convient faire. 
Caviaus et barbe et le viaire 
Li fist apparillier molt biel; 

110 C'est drois a chevalier nouviel. 
Puis le fait en un baing entrer, 
Lors li commenche a demander 
Li rois que cis bains senefie. 
Hues respont de Tabarie: 

l'ordene de chevalerie 47 

115 "Sire, cis bains u vous baigniés 

Si est a chou senefijés. 

Tout droit ensi com l'enfechons 

Nés de pechiés ist fors del fons 

Quant de baptesme est aportés, 
120 Sire, tout ensement devés 

Issir sans nule vilonnie 

De cest baing, car chevalerie 

Se doit baignier en honesté, 

En cortoisie et en bonté, 
125 Et faire amer a toutes gens." 

"Molt est biaus chis commenchemens, 

Che dist li rois, par le grant Dé. " 

Apres si l'a du baing osté 

Si le coucha en un biel lit 
130 Ou il avoit molt de délit. 

"Sire, fait il, chou senefie 

C'on doit par sa chevalerie 

Conquerre Ht emparadis, 

Que dex otroie a ses amis, 
135 Car chou est H lis de repos; 

ELi nel conquerra molt ert sos. " 

Quant el lit ot un peu geù 

Sus le dreche si Ta vestu 

De blans dras ki erent de lin, 
140 Lors dist li prinche en son latin: 

"Sire, nel tenés a escar; 

Cil drap ki sont près de vo car, 

Tout blanc, vous donnent a entendre 

Que chevaliers doit adiés tendre 
145 A se car netement tenir 

S'il a Diu velt ia parvenir. " 

Apriés h vest robe vermelle. 

Salehadins molt s'esmervelle 

Pour coi li prinches chou li fait. 
150 "Hues, fait il, tout entresait, 

Di que la robe senefie," 

Hues respont de Tabarie: 

" Sire, ceste robe vous donne 

48 l'ordene de chevalerie 

A entendre, chou est la somme, 

155 Que vostre sanc devés espandre 
Por Dieu et por sa loi deffendre, 
Que nus ne puist vers lui mesfaire; 
Car tout chou doit chevaliers faire. " 
Apriés H a cauches cauchies 

160 De saie bieles et délies, 

Et li dist: "Sire, sans faillanche, 
Che vous redonne en ramenbranche 
Par cheste cauchemente noire 
C'aiés tout adiés en mémoire 

165 La mort et la terre u girés 
Dont venistes et u irés. 
A che doivent garder vostre oel, 
Si n'enkerrés pas en orguel, 
Car orgiels ne doit pas ragner 

170 En chevalier, ne demourer; 
A simpleche doit adiés tendre, " 
"Tout chou est molt bon a entendre, 
Dist li rois, et pas ne me grieve, " 
Apriés en son estant le lieve, 

175 Puis si Ta chaint d'une chainture 

Blanche et petite de faiture: 

"Sire, par cheste chainturete 

Est entendu que vo car nete, 

Vos rains, vo cors entirement 

180 Devés maintenir netement. 
Luxure ne devés amer, 
Car chevaliers doit molt garder 
A sa char netement tenir, 
K'il ne se puist en che forbir; 

185 Car dex het molt si faite ordure. " 
Li rois respont: "Chou est droiture." 
Apriés deus espourons li mist 
En ses deus pies, et puis li dist; 
"Sire, tout autresi isniaus 

190 Que vous volés que vos chevaus 
Soit de bien corre entalentés 
Quant de l'espouron le hurtés, 

l'ordene de chevalerie 49 

K'il voist partout isnielement, 

Et cha et la a vo talent, 
195 Senefient cist espouron, 

Ki doré sont environ, 

Ke dou tout metes vo corage 

A servir Dieu tôt vostre eage; 

Car tout li chevalier le font 
200 Ki Diu aiment de cuer parfont; 

Adiés le servent de cuer fin. " 

Molt plaisoit bien Salehadin. 

Apriés li a chainte l'espée. 

Salehadins a demandée 
205 La senefianche du brant. 

" Sire, fait il, che est garant 

Contre l'assaut del anemi, 

Tout ensement com veés chi 

Deus trenchans ki nos font savoir 
210 C'adiés doit chevaliers avoir 

Droiture et loiauté ensamble. 

Chou est a dire, che me samble, 

K'il doit la povre gent garder 

Ke H riches nel puist foler, 
215 Et le foible doit sous tenir 

Que li fors ne le puist honnir. 

C'est oevre de miséricorde. " 

Salehadins bien li acorde, 

Ki bien a escouté des dis; 
220 Apriés li a ens el cief mis 

Une coiffe qui toute ert blanche, 

Puis li dist la senefianche. 

"Sire, fait H, or esgardés: 

Tout ensement com vous savés 
225 Que cheste coiffe est sans ordure 

Et biele et blanche, nete, pure, 

Ki est desus vo cief assise, 

Ensement au ior de juïse 

Doit l'ame estre nete defors 
230 Des pechiés ke a fait li cors, 

Et doit s'ame avoir de folie 

50 l'ordene de chevalerie 

Par penitanche fors sachie, 
De Diu por avoir la mérite 
Et le solas et le melite. 

235 Que langue nel poroit conter 
Oreille oïr ne cuer penser; 
C'est la ioie de paradis 
Que diex otroie a ses amis. " 
Li rois trestout chou escouta 

240 Et en apriés li demanda 
S'il i faloit nule cose. 
"Sire oïl, mais faire ne l'ose." 
"Que chou est dont?" — "Sire, colée." 
"Pour coi ne le m'avés donnée 

245 Et dite la senefianche?" 

"Sire, chou est la ramenbranche 
De chelui ki l'a ordené 
Et a chevalier adobé; 
Mais mie ne le vous donron, 

250 Car ie sui chi en vo prison, 
Si ne doi faire vilonnie 
Pour cose q'on fâche ne die; 
Et pour chou ne vous os ferir; 
Bien le devés atant soffrir. 

255 Mais encor vous voel iou moustrer 
Et ensaignier et deviser 
Quatre coses especiaus 
C 'avoir doit chevaliers nouviaus 
Et toute sa vie tenir 

260 S'il a Diu velt ia parvenir: 

Chou est tout au commenchement 
K'il ne soit a faus jugement, 
N'en liu ou il ait trahison, 
Mais tost s'emparte a habandon; 

265 Se le mal ne puet destorner 
Errant se doit d'illuec torner. 
L'autre cose si est molt biele: 
Dame ne doit ne damoisele 
Pour nule rien fourconsillier; 

270 Mais s'eles ont de lui mestier 

l'ordene de chevalerie 51 

Aidier leur doit a son pooir 

Se il veut los et pris avoir; 

Car femes doit on hounourer 

Et pour lor drots grans fais porter. 
275 L'autre cose si est pour voir 

Que contenanche doit avoir; 

Et pour chou le vous mostre et di 

K'il doit juner le venredi 

Ens en icheli ramembranche 
280 De chelui ki fu de la lanche 

Férus pour no rédemption, 

Et ki a Longis fist pardon. 

Toute sa vie en chelui jour 

Doit juner pour nostre Signour 
285 Se il nel laist par maladie 

U par auchune compaignie; 

Et se il ne pooit juner 

Si se doit a Diu acorder 

D'aumosne faire u d'autre cose. 
290 L'autre si est a la parclose 

Que cascun jour doit messe oïr; 

S'il a de coi si doit offrir. 

Car molt est bien l'offrande assise 

Qui a la table Diu est mise; 
295 Car ele porte grant vertu. " 

Li rois a molt bien entendu 

Quanque Hues li va contant, 
Si en a eu joie molt grant. 

Apriés chou li rois est levés; 
300 Ensi com il fu atornés 

Dedens la sale s'en entra. 

Chinquante amiraus i trouva, 

Ki tout erent de son pais. 

Puis est en sa caiere assis, 
305 Et Hues s'assist a ses pies. 

Mais tost fu amont drechiés. 

Li rois l'a fait en haut seoir. 

Devant lui desour un seoir. 

"Hues, por chou k'estes preudom 

52 l'ordene de chevalerie 

310 Vous voel doner un molt biel don, 
Car ie vous otri bonnement, 
Si nus est pris de vostre gent 
En poigneïs ne en bataille, 
Pour vostre amour cuites en aille 

315 Se vous les volés aler querre. 
Mais cevalchiés parmi ma terre 
Tout bielement et sans desroi. 
Sour le col de vo palefroi 
Metés vo gambe en contenanche 

320 C'on ne vous fâche destourbanche. 
Et de vos gens ki or sont pris 
Vous renderai desci a dis 
Se les volés oster de chi." 
"Sire, fait cil, vostre merchi, 

325 Car che fait molt a merchier. 
Mais ne voel pas chou oublier 
Que me deïstes que rouvasse 
Quant iou les prudommes trovasse 
Pour aidier a ma raënchon. 

330 Mais ie ni voi or si preudom 
Comme vous estes, sire rois; 
Si me donnés, car chou est drois 
Quant le rouver m'avés apris," 
Salehadins en a molt ris 

335 Et dist a sanlant d'omme lié: 

Vous avés molt bien commenchié, 
Si vous donrai trestout sans gile 
De bons besans quarante mile, 
Car ne voel pas c'a moi faillies. " 

340 Apriés chou s'est levés empiés 
Et a dit au prinche Huon: 
"Or irons a chascun baron, 
Et jou irai avoecques vous." — 
"Signor, fait li rois, donnés nous 

345 A cest grant prinche rachater. " 
Adont commenchent a donner 
Li amiral tout environ 
Tant que il ot sa raënchon 



Larghement, que li remanans 

350 Valut bien dis mile besans, 
Tant li ont donné et promis, 
Dont a Hues le congié pris, 
Caler s'en velt de paienie. 
"Ensi n'en partirés vous mie, 

355 Che dist li rois, dusques atant 
Que vous ares le remanant 
Dou sourplus que vous ai promis; 
Car en mon trésor seront pris 
Li dis mile besant d'or mier. " 

360 Lors a dit a son trésorier 
Que il les besans li rendist 
Et apriés si les repreïst 
A chiaus ki les orent donnés. 
Cil a les besans bien pesés 

365 Si les donne au prinche Huon, 
Si les a pris, u voelle u non, 
Car il n'en voloit nul porter: 
Plus chier eiïst a racater 
Ses hommes k'il ot emprison, 

370 Qui erent en caitivison 

Entre les mains as Sarrasins; 
Et quant le sot Salehadins 
Si en a Mahommet juré 
Que jamais n'ierent racaté. 

375 Et quant li prinches Poïdire 
S'en ot au cuer dolour et jre. 
Mais le roi plus prijer n'osa 
Pour chou que Mahommet jura, 
Car il ne l'osa corechier. 

380 Lors commenche a apparillier 
Ses dis compaignons k'il ot quis 
Pour remener en son pais. 
Mais il i a plus demoré 
Huit iors tos plains et seiorné 

385 A grant feste et a grant déduit; 
Lors a demandé le conduit 
Parmi la terre deffaée. 

54 l'ordene de chevalerie 

Salehadins li a livrée 

Grant compaignie de se gent: 

390 Chinquante sont ki bonnement 
Les conduient par paienie 
Sans orgueil et sans vilonnie 
Conques n'i orent destorbier. 
Cil se sont mis el repairier 

395 Si s'en viennent en lor contrée, 
Et li prinches de Galylée 
S'en revint si faitierement. 
Mais molt le poise de sa gent, 
Si en est plus dolans que nus. 

400 Dont est en son païs venus, 
Lui onsime sans plus de gent. 
Dont départi l'or et l'argent 
K'il avoit od lui aporté 
Si en a maint homme donné 

405 Ki en est riches devenus. 
Signor, bien doit estre venus 
Cis contes entre bonne gent, 
Car as autres ne vaut nient, 
Ki n'entendent plus que brebis, 

410 Foi que doi Diu de Paradis; 
Chil perderoit bien ses joiaus 
Ki les jetroit entre porchiaus. 
Sachiés k'il les defouleroient 
Que ia nul n'en espargneroient 

415 Car il ne saroient pas tant 
Si seroient mesentendant. 
En chest conte puet on trouver 
Deus coses ki font a loer: 
L'une si est au commenchier 

420 Comment on fait le chevalier 
Que tous li mons doit honorer; 
Car il nous ont tous a garder, 
Car se n'estoit chevalerie 
Petit vauroit no signorie; 

425 Car il deffendent sainte église 
Et si nous tiennent bien iustise 

l'ordene de chevalerie 55 

De chiaus ki nous voellent mal faire. 

D'iaus loer ne me voel re traire; 

Ki ne les aime molt est nices; 
430 Ke on embleroit nos calices 

Devant nous a la table Dé 

Ke ia en seriens destourné. 

Mais lor justiche bien empense 

Que de par aus nous fait deffense. 
435 Se li malvais ne les cremoient 

Ja homme durer ne por oient; 

Mais il criement les chevaliers, 

Si les doit on avoir plus chiers 

Et essauchier et honorer, 
440 Et se doit on contre iaus lever 

Adiés quant on les voit venir. 

Certes, bien devroit on honnir 

Chaius ki les tiennent en vil té; 

Car ie vous di par vérité 
445 Que li chevaliers a pooir 

De toutes ses armes avoir 

Et en sainte église aporter 

Quant il vient la messe escouter, 

Que nus malvais ne contredie 
450 Le serviche le fil Marie 

Et le saint digne sacrement 

Par cui nous avons salvement. 

Et se nus le voloit desdire 

Jl a pooir de lui ochire. 
455 Et encore dire m'estuet: 

Fai que dois, aviegne qui puet. 

C'est commandé au chevalier 

Si l'en doit on avoir plus chier. 

Ki bien cheste parolle entent, 
460 (Car ie vous di seùrement), 

Se il faisoit selont son ordre, 

En nul fuer ne se puet estordre 

De droit aler emparadis. 

Pour chou vous ai iou chi apris, 
465 A paier chou que vous devés: 

56 l'ordene de chevalerie 

Que les chevaliers honorés 
Sour tous hommes entirement, 
Fors prestre ki fait sacrement. 
L'autre chose si est por voir 

470 Que par chest dit puet on savoir 
K'il avint au prinche Huon, 
K'il fait molt bien servir preudom: 
Quant Salehadins Tounera, 
Ki paiens fu et molt Pâma. 

475 Molt valt a prudomme servir; 
Et ne se doit on pas tenir 
De faire bien a son pooir, 
Car on i puet grant preu avoir. 
Et ie truis lisant en latin: 

480 De bonnes oevres bonne fin. 
Or prions au definement 
Chelui ki est sans finement, 
Quant nous venrons au definer, 
Que nous puissomes si finer 

485 Que nous aions sa gloire fine 
Ki as bons mie ne define; 
Et pour chelui ki chou escrist 
Que il soit avoec Jhesucrist; 
Et en l'ounour Sainte Marie 
Amen! amen! chascuns en die. 



9 bonement N. 11 Comment que soit par non savoir N. 12 De legier doit pardon 
avoir N. 13 Tant com il sen voelle retraire N, Tant comme jl sen vueille entremette 
P. 14 retraire N. Desormes voudrai paine mètre P. 15 A rimoier e a conter NP. 17 
Jadis estoyt en CX. 18 Un roy de moût CX. 21 Crueus fu et moût de desroi N. 22 
Fist mainte fois a nostre loi N. 23 Et a no gent fist maint N, molt grant H, Les sarazins 
moût graunt CX. 24 son N, une fois PCX. 26 Par N, qua P, Ke a la C. 28 Savoit 
o lui P, Et out ove ly C, Yl out od ly X. 30 sire estoit D. 33 Con apele NP. (X inserts 
Une: Ore escotez ceste estoyre). 36 aval N. 37 Droit par devant N. 38 Si N. 40 Hue 
fet Sadalin ben viegnez X. 42 De deus choses elyses X. 43 Par mon deu vous morres 
X. 44 devenyr C, Ou . . . renderez X. 46 Au roi ensi com iou vous di D. 47 
meuth voil la ranson prendre X. 48 ataindre D, ateindre H, prendre C. Donks 

l'ordene de chevalerie 57 

dyt ly roys Hughe escotez X. 49 Conterois NH, querrois P, querrez CX. 51 ataindre 
ni N. 53 Puys questes tant alose X. 54 prise de chivalerie C, De chyvalerie et tant 
pryse X. 55 Nest hom ki vous escondist mie D, Si vous ne escoundire mye C, E joe 
croy qe nul sescundira X. 57 a N, Sel priez H, Pruzhomme a C, que a ... ne vos 
durra X. 63 dist il X. 64 foi N, que vous tenez PH, le deu en qy vous créez CX. 
66 dedens X. 67 paie H. 68 ma prysun C. 69 {Om. P) {Extra Une H: Li princes 
Hues respondi). 70 {Om P), ioe vous mercy X. 71 Sire ainsi P, Vostre volente ferai 
gie H, grauns ioe C, {Om X). 72 A tant NPH,LorsC, LorsadHuhe le congé prys X. 
74odlylepristX. 75 Et on NP, lemmena NH, En une chambre CX, si li dist X. 76 le 
demaundaC, {Om X). 78 tenes D. 79 Car le me dites D, mevoyllez ore enseigner X. 82 
(Om.X; 80 and 81 reversed HC). 83 Ha HCX. 85 ordre estD. 87 de maie loy N, ne estes 
usée en la C, Puys qe nestes de nostre X. 88 De bien de batesme et de D. 89 molt 
. . . feroie H. 91 Vodraye C, Vorrei X, parer et vestiyr CX. 92 Si que iamais H. 
94 Qar countre ma loy X. 95 {Om. X). 96 {Om. X). 100 vous estes NPHC, Puys 
qestes X. 102 Qar il covient ma volunte fere X. 103 {Om. H). 104 Ne con- 
tredis N. 106 Ore vous voyiez apariler X. 107 De reteynre cel haut estât X. 108 
Qest a nostre deu bon et grat X. (X has two extra Unes: ly fet aparailer ses cheuuls, 
Sa barbe et son veyeer). 109 Plus honest et plus bel X. 110 Qar ceo afert X. (X 
two extra Unes: Ces sount seignes de prouesce, De corteisie et de sagesce). 112 prist 
D. 113 soudans N. 115 {Om. N). 116 {Om. N), pur HCX. 117 ensement N, 
issi com li P. 118 Par le prestre en est fors jetés D, est pleinement baptizez X. 122 
Et estre plains de courtoisie NH. 123 Baignier deves NH. 125 {Om. X). 126 Ci ad 
moût bel C, {Om. X). 127 et pas ne me grieve D, {Om. X). 128 en son estant se 
lieve D. 129 se D, SU lad en un bel lyt couche C, Et en un beau lit coche X. 130 
Q'estoit fais (fez, faiz) par grant délit NPH, {Om. X). (P two extra Unes: Hues dites 
moi sanz faillance, De ce lit la senefiance). 131 cis lis vous PHC, Et li dit qe lit 
X. 135 {Om. HX). 136 Qui la ne sera NPC, {Om. HX). 137 {Om. D). 138 Puis 
H. 140 Hues N, au roi salahadin P. 143 nous D, 145 son cors P, a honor PH. 149 
{Om. CX). 150 {Om. CX). 151 Houghe fet il de tabarayie C, {Om. X). 152 Ceste 
robe que signefye C, Sire die huhe entendez X, {Om. H). 153 nous D, qe ceste robe 
issi colorez X. 154 {Om. X). 155 donner NPHCX. (NHCX extra Une: Pour diu 
servir et hounourer. 156 sainte église DNHCX, (NHCX extra Une: Que nus ne puist 
vers li mesprendre). 157 Cest entendu par le vermeil NPHCX. 158 Hues fet il 
molt me merveil NPHCX. (NH extra Une: SU veut a diu de noient plaire). 160 
brunes N, noires P, de bruges H, brune saye CX. 161 Sire sachet ben sauns du- 
taunce C, {Om. X). 162 nous D, {Om. X). 163 E ly dit qe X, {Om. H). 164 Veut 
qil eyt X, {Om. H). 165 gira X. 166 vynt irra X. 167 Ades i doient tendre H, 
En orguil ia ne cherra X. 168 ne tenes pas a D, Ki de ceo se recordera X. 169 dément 
a chivaler X. 170 cuer de gentU chevalier H, Qi qe vorra adreyt penser X, 171 Sim- 
plesce et humUite X. 171 Auyenent ben a tel dignete X. 173 {Om. CX). 174 
{Om. CX) 176 gente D. 177 {Om. X). 178 Et li dit lentendement X, 179 QU garde 
ses reyns enterement X. 180 tenir tout fermement NH, tenir molt saintement P, 
Saunz luxure en chasteté X, (NPHC extra Une: Ainsi com en virginité, NPC extra 
Une: Vo cors tenir en netee (sayntete). 181 despire et blasmer N, hanter P, {Om. X). 
182 amer NH, {Om. X). 184 honir NPC, Se U viet a honor venir H {Om. X). 185 
{Om. PH), seet ben sU fet C. 186 {Om. PH). 188 Bien dorrez X. 189 Sire fait 

58 l'ordene de chevalerie 

il D, ensement C, cum chivaler X. 190 Et D, Com HC De sesporounz poynt son 
destrier X. 191 Fut C, Et le fet coure ignelement X. 192 a poyndre met son talent 
X. 193 a vo talent NPC, (Om. H), Poyndre ta char qe par ahaunce X. 195 Ta aime 
ne face meserrer X. 196 sunt de or C, Ne en orde pensée déliter X. 197 Vous aijes 
bien en N, vous soiez de bon P, toz jorz aiez en H, Mes fa qe ton corps a lesprit X. 
198 De dieu servir NH, Tant com vivrez en P, Sacorde saunt contredit X. 199 se 
font ansin H, Et donks serra pur veritez X. 200 (Om. H) Vostre destrer trebien 
guyee X. 201 (Om. PX), Et ki C. 202 Bien a pleut a D, (Om. PX). 204 Apries 
chou . . . chaint D. 208 Chou apris jou ja autressi N, Par cests croyz X. 209 
E en celé espee poet voer CX. 210 Deus trenchaunt ke nous fount a saver CX. 211 
Qe dreyture et leaute X. 212 A chivaler afyert ben coe semble C, aferent a chivaler 
dubbe X. 213 homme PCX, (Om. N). 214 laidir N, grever P. 215 (Om. H) 
garantir X. 216 (Om. N), 217 (Om. H). 218 si NPH, se CX. 219 les D, A coe ke 
li counte ly deuyse C, (Om. X). 220 ensson N, sur son C, Apres la blanche cayfe y 
mit X. 22 1 trestote H, Sour son chef si h dit X. 222 Apres C, (Om. X) . 223 agarder 
C, (Om. X). 224 autressi Veez P, seyet C, (Om. X). 225 Cest CX. 226 Bien 
asise X. 227 Et NPHC, Cest la gloire qe averet aquer X. 228 Autretel H, Quant 
li haut sire vendra juger X. 229 Des grans pechies que fais avons N. 230 Devons 
lame rendre a estrous N. 231 pure et nete NP, nette et pure C, (Om. HX). 232 
Que li cos a tous jours (toz iors) basties NP, (Om. HX). 233 (Om. PX). 234 De 
paradis qui moût (tant) NH, (Om. X). 235 (Om. X). 236 (Om. X). 237 biautes 
(beauté) NPHX, (Om. X). 238 (Om. X). 242 Ke (qe) CX. 243 chest li N, 
Cest a la fin la X. 245 Dites moy C. 247 adoube NPHC, dubbe X. 248 ordone 
NPHC, Et mis en celé dignete X. 249 ie sui ci en vo prison H, ie ne la vous doneye 
C, E gardez si un cheitifs enprisone X. 250 Si ne doi faire mesprison H, Al roy deit 
doner la colee X. 251 (Om. X). 252 me N, Pur ren C, (Om. X). 253 Si ne vous 
voel (vueil, volay) NPC, (Om. X). 254 vous tenir N, (Om. X). 256 prouver D, 
nommer H, (Om. PHX). 260 (Om. PHX). 261 La primere X. 262 ja X. 263 y 
C, Lautre qe soit atempre X. 264 par che sont tôt abandon D, En parole en beoyre 
e mesure X. 265 E si il ne la . . . trestourner C, Qa nul iour de sa vie X. 266 
Tantost NPHC, Chece en yveresce ou en gloutonye X, 267 (Om. D), Se il truve dame 
esgarree CX. 268 (Om. D), ou pucele descounfourtee CX. 269 (Om. D),desconseillier 
PH, Il les doit bonement ayder CX. 270 (Om. D), Et H, Et en leaute conseyler CX. 
271 (Om. DX), Si issi soyt ke eles le querent C. 272 (Om. DX), Kar touz honors 
i afïyerent C. 273 (Om. DHX), Lut amour deyt estre commune C. 274 (Om. 
DHX), Ke hom les ayme totes par une C. 275 (Om. X). 277 abstinence NPHX, 
(Om. X). 277 vente le vous di NPHC, Puys en record de nostre sauveor X. 278 
au NP, Doyt chescune symayne. j. jour X. 279 Pour (Par) chele sainte NH, 
El non de P, Juner ceo est par vendredi X. 280 Que Jhesucris N, jhesu PH, Ke deu 
C, Qest jour pour juni establi X. 281 Et ke a longys fit pardoun C, Cel iour fu féru 
de la launce X. 282 de sa mort remission C, Jesu e pour ceo deit en penaunce X. 283 
Chescun passer la iournee X. 284 Qe ly cleyme pour avoue X. 285 pour NPH, 
compegnie H, Chescun chivaler qad saunte X. 286 pour NPHC, Et par compaignye 
nest destourbe X. 287 sil ne puet pour chou (pro ce) NP, portant H, juner ne purra 
X. 288 vers NPH, enver C, Par amosnes saquytera X. 289 De amone ou de C, 
Un autre chose fere estut X. 290 avenaunte chose C, Qy bon chivaler estre veot X, 


(Om. H). 292 il puisse D. 293 laumosne P, mise H, Moût est tel offrende ben 
aplaye X. 294 lautel dieu H, Qest myse a la table deu X. 295 (Ont. H). 296 
(Om. H). Saladyn ad byen X. 297 Chou (ceo) que NCX. 298 (Ont. X). 299 
Ben est en piez P, en son estant C, Puys est estaunt X. 300 est D, ert P, adoubez 
HCX. 301 Droit en sa cambre N, son palais P, sale CX. 304 Li rois H, Lors CX. 
305 se sist N, (Om. X). 306 (Om. X). 307 Si la deiouste lui assis P, amont H, 
Lez ly C, Puys fist Huhe lee ly ser X. 308 pour voir N, de voir HC, Et vous com- 
mence a ly parler X. 309 Pour chou (Pur coe) que vous NC, Por tant que me sam- 
blez H, Hue fet yl entendez X. 310 faire NPC, Je vos donrai H, Un beau doun vous 
dorrai X. 312 (Om. X), soyt C, Qe si nul de vostre gent X. 312 ou C, seyt pris 
X. 314 sen NCX. 315 le NP, venir PC, Om. X). Mes saves Qil vous covient 
fere X. 316 Si chivachet C, Vous chiaucherez X, (Om. H). 317 simplement NPCX, 
(Om. H). 319 hiaume N, (Om. H). 320 (Om. H). 321 juusca (iusques a, 
iuqa) NPH, (Om. X). 323 Sire dit il vostre merci H, (Om. X). 324 dist il N, 
Si mait deus gui ne menti H, dit Hughe ieo vous mercy X. 325 forment H, bon C, 
(Om. X). 326 Mes Sachez qe ieo ne fu pas ubli X. 327 demandasse HCX. 328 
Si nul C, Quant ... nul X. 329 Qil meidastX. 330 ci P, nul X. 331biaus (beau) 
PX, ben C. 332 bien H, Et par ceo a vous me comenceray X. 333 demander 
CX. 334 Adont (Adonc) a ris NPH, jeta (jetout) un CX. 335 semblaunce C. 336 
Huhe . . . très X. 337 E ieo C, Jeo ne voyl qa moy fayllez X. 336 cinquante NP, 
Mile besaunz en avérez X. 339 ieo C, Et a ceo vous fray une bêle premie X. 340 
Adonques H, Lors est en son estaunt dreces C, De ceste bêle compaignie X. 341 
ore C, Qar il ny a nul qe passera X. 342 as autres barons N. 343 Jeo men iray X. 
344 dist NP, dit HX. 345 Por chevalier H, haut C, bon X. 346 Lors commencierent 
P, comenceront C, comencerent X, 347 amiraus D. 348 tute X. 349 Les remenaunz 
C, (Om. X). 350 Libres de D, .xiij. mile N, vint mile C, (Om. X). 351 offert 
NH, (Om. X). 352 Lors C, Puys X. 353 (Om. C), en son pays X. 354 Encor 
H, (Om. CX). 355 (Om. CX). 356 aijes N, (Om. CX). 357 con a PNH, 
(Om. CX). 358 (Om. HCX). 361 apele son H, (Om. CX). 362 Les besanz 
et les H, (Om. CX). 364 Lors H, (Om. CX). 365 conte NPH (Om. CX). 366 
Il . . . vousist P, Il est pris ou vosset H, (Om. CX). 370 (Om. CX). 371 de 
H, (Om. CX). 372 Quant chou (ce) NP, (Om. CX). 376 Si grant ire NPH, 
(Om CX). 377 (Om. HCX). 378 tant que H, (Om. CX). 379 (Om. CX). 
380 commande NPH, (Om. CX). 381 (Om. CX). 382 retorner H, (Om. CX). 
383 puis NP, li rois lo fai seiorner H, ly roy lad fest C, li roy la fet X. 384 demorer 
H, pour son corps recréer X. 385 En N, ioie (joye) PCX, (Om. H). 386 Puis 
NPCX, (Om. H). 387 (Om. H). 388 délivrée C. 389. L. sunt qui bonement 
H, Compaignye a volunte X. 390 Le conduient segurement H, 391 Ses D, Le P, 
Par mi la terre paiegnie H. 392 mal aver u X. 393 Et quant celé bêle route X, (Om. 
H). 394 Lors sest P, En son pays sanz mile doute X. 395 Ki revinrent D, Ly bon 
prynce mené aveient X, (Extra Une X: A lour seignour retoureyent). 396 pluisour 
N. 397 tout ensement NP, Si sen va droit en sa contreie H, Sauf reuynt en sa coun- 
tree X. (Extra Unes N: Que il couvent la demorer, Et il nen ose plus parler. P: 
Qu'il covint la demorer, Mes il ne le pot amender. C : Ke remis sont en la prisoun, 
En grant cheitiveusoun, Entre les meyns as sarazyns, Ke ne sont mye lour amys). 
399 courchies N, corouciez P. 401 avoir NP. 402 le grant avoir NP. 406 entendus 

60 l'ordene de chevalerie 

C. 409 nesD, berbis (berbyz), NC. 412 metroit P. 415 emportereyent C. 416 
Tout ainsi ly C, (Extra Unes NPC : Qui chest conte leur conteroit, Tout ansi défoules 
seroit, Et vieus tenus par leur entendre, Mais sil i voloient aprendre (ke bien voudreit 
C) NPC. 417 porra C. 425 deffent D. 426 est toute no N. 4*27 Contre N. 429 
nés . . moût par NP. 430 On nous NP. 432 seroit NP. 433 en pensse P. 434 
font P. 435 congioent N. 436 li bon NP, les bons C. (Extra Unes NP: Se che nert 
(nestoit) fors des (de) sarrasins, Daubeiois (Daubigois) et des (de) barbarins, Dautre 
gent (Et de genz) de mauvaise (mauvese) loi, Qui (Qi) nous metroient a besloi (belloi) . 
437 doutent P, 438 il C. 441 Son les voit aler et NC, De si loing con les voit P. 442 
hom deist moût hayr C. 448 veut N, doit (deit) PC. 450 sacrament D. 451 Ke 
fâche honte au roi poissant D, Par icel digne C. 452 quoi (qoi) NP, Duerom noustre 
touz sauvement C. 453 nul hom le vout C. 455 Encore un peu N, Foi que doi a 
dieu qi tout puet P. 456 Encore, i. poi dire mestuet P. 457 quist P. 459 Sil N. 
460 hardiement NP. 462 porroit NP. 465 Qe faites N, De fere P. 466 outreement 
P. 468 chaus ki font N, cels qi font P. 469 Du cors diu je vous di N. 470 Par . . . 
le NP. 471 conte NP. 472 Qui moût (mit) fu sages et NP. 473 Q' salhadins tant 
hounera N, Salahadins mit lonora P. 474 Pour chou (Por ce) qe preudom le trouva 
(trova) NP. 475 Et si le fist moût (mit) hounourer (honorer) NP. 476 Pour chou 
(Por ce) se fait (fet) il bon pener NP. 470 Et si N, Nous trouvons . . . el P. 481 
a dieu finement P. 482 ou firmament N, Celui qi fist le firmament P. 484 bien P. 
485 la joie NP. 486 aus onques P. EXPLICIT LI ORDRES DE CHEVALERIE 

X has thefollowing independent conclusion: 

Core est huhe revenuz 

Corne bon chyvaler hardy et pruz 

De la tere defaee 

En quele tant avant ert nome. 

Cortoys et chyvalerous. 

Kal roy devynt tregracyous. 

Issi qe chevaler le fist 

Et sa gent de hors pryson prist. 

Sa ransoun tôt pleynement rendit 

Et de leokes quytes sen partist 

Ordre de chivalers descrist 

Et en ceo le procès finist, 

Nostre sire JHI crist 

Face qe chevalers solonk son dit 

Seient de vie si te trespfit 

Qe rien ne facent for lour profit, 

AmeN. Et jeo les doyn respit 

Tant kil veient cest escrit. 

Qar ces povere et petit 

Le romans de novel vestit. 


l'ordene de chevalerie 61 


Title. — Ordene is the older and better spelling See H. Berger, Die Lehnwoerter 
in der frz } S proche aelterer Zeit. 

L 1. Parler a = talk to. Barbazan-Méon are responsible for Morris's mistaken 
translation, "That the wise speak is goodly gain." See Perceval, 543: "Biax filz as 
prodomes parlez. " See also Proverbs XIII, 20. 

1. 3. sens . . . courtoisie. — Influence of the roman courtois, or atleastof Chrétien. 

1. 5. lot. — But none of the Mss. hâve preudomme, L 1, in the plural. 

1. 15. amoier and atorner are synonyms. 

1. 20. Salehadins. — Gaston Paris, Un Poème latin contemporain sur Saladin, 
in the Revue de VOrient Latin, I, 433 ff., finds that the French form of Salah-Eddin's 
name long remained a quadrisyllable as hère, and that the contracted form seems to 
hâve appeared first in Italy. 

L 24. orgueil and outrage are synonyms. orgueil is hère not a state of mind, but 
an action. It seems différent in 11. 168 f. 

1. 26. The skirmish in which Hugues and other prominent Christian leaders were 
captured took place on the banks of the river Lita, near the castle of Belfort, the 
principal stronghold of the signorie of Sagette, not far south of Beyrout. The castle 
still stands, and today bears the name of Schekif-Arnoun. 

1. 38. en son latin, — lati in Provençal was often a gênerai word meaning language. 
Sainte-Palaye's Dictionary has: "Langue propre à un pays." Burguy has; "langue 
étrangère." A latinier was an interpréter. In 1. 140, Hugues answers en son latin. 
As a matter of historical fact, a Syrian Frank like Hugues would hâve spoken Arabie 
with perfect fluency, so that Saladin's language would hâve been the natural médium 
of communication, unless perhaps the two resorted to the lingua franco- in common 
use between Christians and Mohammedans. Omfroy de Toron, in 1192, served as 
interpréter for King Richard. 

1. 46. le giu parti. — See Saisnes XXTV (Littré), where the phrase = given me the 
alternative. The idiom is more commonly faire un jeu parti. Parti hère, as frequently 
in Old French = partager. (Latin, iocus partitus; English, jeopardy). 

1. 50. Cent mile besans. — The ransom of St. Louis was 1,000,000 besants, according 
to Joinville. Baldwin of Ramla, captured with Hugues, paid a sum of 150 Tyrian 
gold pièces, and set free a thousand Saracen prisoners. Odo, Master of the Templars, 
refused to furnish ransom and died in captivity. 

1. 71. creangié. — First singular présent of creanter+giê. 

I. 75. cambre. — Joinville speaks of a luxurious tent belonging to the Sultan of 
Egypt, with various compartments, "la salle au soudanc" and "la chambre le sou- 
danc." William of Tyre tells of a Saracen tent which was "fête en la forme d'une 

II. 83 and 98. faire, used intransitively without modifier of manner. 

1. 85.— The Siete Partidas (Partida II, Titulo XXI, Ley I) hâve the foUowing 
interesting explanation of the term "... en Espana llaman caballerîa no por razon 
que andan cavalgando en caballos, mas porque bien asî como los que andan â caballo 
van mas honradamente que en otra bestia, otrosi los que son escogidos para caballeros 
son mas honrados que todos los otros defensores. " 

62 l'ordene de chevalerie 

1. 92. qu'=afinqu'. 

1. 96. — s'y amordre= s' y appliquer. 

1. 98. — seres, copula without expressed predicate. The acceptance of feres, the 
reading of D, dépends on whether faire could replace a passive verb, in this case seroie 
blasmés of 1. 97. 

1. 105. dangier=résistance. 

I. 106. est à chou senefiês, periphrasis for senefie chou. The perfect passive partici- 
ple has active meaning. See Tobler, Vermischie Beitrâge, I, 146 ff. : Diez, Gramma- 
tik, III, 264. 

II. 117-8. Before the fifteenth century, the ceremony of christening involved 
plunging the child into the water of a cuve which was let into the floor. He was drawn 
out by the parrain. By the fifteenth century, sprinkling began to replace immersion. 
See Viollet-le-Duc, Mobiliaire, I, 320 f. 

1. 125. se is understood from 1. 123. 

1. 134. — the use of amis to designate the Lord's faithful followers was not peculiar 
to the French. Its équivalent occurs in Lull's Orde, and in Caxton's English translation 
of the Orde. But amicus in the feudal organization, — and this is probably the conno- 
tation hère, — meant, not friend, but vassal. 

1. 147. robe vermelle. — The poem does not say that this robe was silk, although 
several of the later versions of the story say so. Saladin, as a good Mohammedan, 
could not hâve worn silk, which was forbidden to maies of his faith; nor could he hâve 
worn gold spurs. 

1. 163. Batty, Spirit and Influence of Chivalry, p. 30, speaks of a black doublet 
as worn by the knight, with the same symbolic meaning. 

1. 165. Genesis III, 19. 

1. 174. en son estant. — Even when in bed he was not lying flat, for the Mediaevat 
bed sloped considerably from head to foot. 

1. 184. se forbir apparently= cheat himself. See Dictionnaire général, s.v. fourbe 1. 

1. 193 voist — Butl. 314 has the later subjunctive form aille. 

1. 206. Eph. VI, 13 ff. 

1. 207. inimicus=the Devil. 

1. 209. Deus trenchans. — At this time the sword was used only for striking, and 
was regularly two-edged. By the second half of the thirteenth century, swords for 
thrusting were also in use. 

1. 234. melite<Malte=Schlaraffenland. Ste. Palaye s.v.; Foerster, in Zeitschrift 
fur Romanische Philologie, XX, 1898, p. 529; and Jenkins, Romania, XXXLX, 1910, 
p. 83. 

1. 235 f. / Cor. II, 9. 

1. 242. Is V the object of faire, or does it simply repeat faire? In 11. 82 and 98 
we had faire used intransitively. 

1. 243. Schulz, Fragesatz, p. 197, and Tobler, Vermischte Beitrâge, I, 68, explains 
this word-order for questions as originating in an exclamation or an indirect question. 

1. 246. Another reason frequently given for the blow was that it symbolized the 
last outrage to which the knight would ever submit. 

1. 247. ordenê= consacré. The word has a primarily religious connotation. Com- 
pare English ordination. 

l'ordene de chevalerie 63 

1. 260. Verbal répétition of 1. 146. 

1. 302. amiraus < Arabie amir (prince) with Romance ending. Diez, Leben und 
Werke, finds the modem meaning "commander of the fleet" appearing as early as 
the first half of the twelfth century, among the Sicilians. 

1. 304. The caiere on which the Sultan sils is distinguished from the seoir of 1. 307 > 
on which a subject might sit. The seoir was probably one of the deewans or low seats 
about the walls of a Mohammedan audience-room (E. W. Lane, Arabian Society in 
the Middle Ages, p. 135). Hugues, however, took his seat at first (1. 305) on the floor. 
There is nothing unhistorical either in the Saracen's occupying a chair or in the Frank's 
sitting on the ground. Abu-el-Heyja, "the Fat," who had difnculty in walking and 
standing, was once furnished a chair in the tent of the Sultan Saladin (Lane-Poole, 
Saladin, p. 340). On the other hand, chairs were not in gênerai use in the West at 
the beginning of the thirteenth century, and were largely restricted to officiai meetings 
(Dieffenbacher, Deutsches Leben im 12. Jahrhundert, 142). Chairs were very elaborate 
and élégant in the Middle Ages, those in the East even more so than in the Occident # 

1. 318. palefroi, since the trip was a peaceful one. A palefroi for peaceful journeys 
was a part of the knight's regular equipment (Bangert, Die Tiere im afrz. Epos, 11). 
It is said that white animais were preferred for battle and black ones for the use of 
ladies and in peace. This distinction would hâve been a means of learning from a 
distance whether or not an approaching knight cherished a hostile purpose. 

1. 319. gambe. — the reading hiaume of Ms. N is interesting, in view of the fact 
that the helm was so carried on peaceful trips because of its uncomfortable weight 
and as a further sign of pacifie intention, just as the unbinding of his helmet by a leader 
during a battle was a signal to stop fighting; but it has no support from the other Mss. 
gambe, which the others hâve, is quite as plausible in itself, inasmuch as, in mediaeval 
Germany at least, crossed legs were a symbol of peace. (Dieffenbacher, Deutsches 
Leben, p. 50). (There is undoubtedly a relation with the Cross of Christ, and with 
the modem child's game of cross-tag). 

1. 319 en contenanche. Sainte-Palaye (s.v.) says that mettre en contenanche means 
hère affermir, assurer. See Lancelot 2584 ff., where a knight throws his leg over the 
neck of his horse par contenance et par cointise. The phrase par contenance appears 
again in Lancelot 1667. Foerster translates; "um sich Haltung su geben. " 

I. 330. ni for ne. The conjunction ne frequently assumed this form, it has been 
suggested because of the frequency of n'il (Schwan-Behrens, Grammatik des Altfranzô- 
sischen, 10, 4b), and the adverb might hâve assumed it by analogy. The two Picard 
Mss. hâve this form, the others hâve ne. 

II. 372 ff. is perplexing, but there is ample Ms. authority for it. 

1. 387. deffaée is used hère more as a geographical désignation than as a term of 
opprobium. Compare paienie, 1. 17, etc. 

I. 402. Vor et V argent. But the money was paid him in gold only (1. 359). There 
were besants of both metals. 

II. 406 ff . The form of the jongleur's appeal to his audience. 
11. 411 f. Matt. VII, 6. 

1. 440. In Perceval, 1. 6,423, the knight is instructed to rise at the appearance 
of a priest. 

64 l'okdene de chevalerie 

1. 456. "Fais ce que tu dois, adviegne que pourra." From the 15th century 
volume entitled Proverbes Communs, quoted Le Roux de Lincy, Livre des Proverbes 

1. 472. servir is transitive in this Une, intransitive in 1. 475. 

1. 481. A favorite style of punning conclusion. See the Condés. 

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Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes, Paris, 1839 — . 

Fortnightly Review, London, 1865 — . 

Journal des Savants, Paris, 1817 — . 

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Modem Philology, Chicago, 1912 — . 

Revue de l'Orient Latin, Paris, 1893 — . 

Romania, Paris, 1872 — . 

Romanische Forschungen, Erlangen, 1883-1915. 

Studj di Filologia Romanza, Rome, 1885-96; Turin, 1899-1903. 

Zeitschrift fur Romanische Philologie, Halle, 1877 — . 

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66 l'ordene de chevalerie 

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Chivalry, F. Warre Cornish, Social England Séries, London, 1901. 

Chrestomathie de l'ancien français, Bartsch-Wiese, Leipzig, 1910. 

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l'ordene de chevalerie 67 

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68 l'ordene de chevalerie 

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l'ordene de chevalerie 69 

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